History


10 May 2008 01:50 am

“Lepcha Mad” - Dr. Sonam Wangyal

In honour of the original inhabitants of our hills.
-Admin

———
Lepcha Mad
Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

Of the many people the Lepchas honour few can match the reverence that Lieutenant General George Byres Mainwaring (proper pronunciation Mannering) commands. This veneration becomes all the more significant since Mainwaring was not a Lepcha and belonged to an aristocratic family of Cavenagh-Mainwaring from Whitmore and Budduph in Staffordshire. He was born in India on 18 July 1825 while his father was serving in the Bengal Civil Service. From his father George Mainwaring he received his first name, George, and from his mother, Isabella Byres, his middle name Byres. As it was the convention with people possessing money and status the boy Mainwaring was packed off to ‘home’, in his case home being Aberdeen, Scotland, to complete his studies and from Aberdeen it was to Wimbledon for higher learning in classics and mathematics. In the confines of the British institutions little did the young lad know that one day he would be a champion amongst the Lepchas and that he would be reverentially recalled by this community even well beyond a hundred years of his death. (more…)

04 Apr 2008 12:32 am

Kalimpong’s Lonely Warrior - Dr. Sonam Wangyal

- Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

Those of you who are above the age of thirty will probably remember Kalimpong’s lonely warrior Mr. Tharchin, who was more popularly known as Tharchin Babu. For those who do not know him I hope the following essay will fill up, to some extent, the inadequacy.

The Centenary volume of SUMITE in referring to “those predecessors who have left behind their footprints (labour, signs of service) to the people of this region” lists sixteen great souls of our region, and tucked away at the center, at number 8, is written: “Rev. G. Tharchin - Author of Tibetan English Dictionary and Tibetan Readers, and Editor of (the) first Tibetan Newspaper in India.” It was very kind and thoughtful of the folks at SUMI to remember this remarkable man. He was a thoroughly likable character, peculiar in many ways, and one oddity that was immediately noticeable was his attire which put him in the order of what is referred to in the western world as a ‘westernized oriental gentleman’, or in the less respectable language – a wog. He almost always wore a shabby, ill-fitting suit, complete with a watch chain and he topped all that with a greasy felt hat that he never failed to doff repeatedly to his acquaintances. His scraggy neck, stained teeth and bristly gray eyebrows more or less complemented the scruffy clothes he wore.

However, Tharchin, a Ladakh-born Tibetan who made Kalimpong his home is remembered not for the way he dressed or looked but for a journal he wrote. Like Suresh Chandra Jain, who is remembered not for his soaring height or his portly appearance but for bringing out the only weekly, Himalayan Times that served Bhutan, Darjeeling, Dooars, Sikkim and Tibet; Tharchin Babu is and will forever be reminisced for Tibet Mirror which was the only Tibetan language journal ‘in the whole world’. It was read from the grand monasteries of Lhasa to the Oriental departments of esteemed European universities, and it was eagerly awaited upon by the foreign offices of Washington, Peking (Beijing), London, Moscow and New Delhi. When the Chinese presence in Lhasa intensified Tibet Mirror responded with salvos of anti Chinese, anti communist and anti Mao Tse Tung articles. The magazine, besides underscoring Tibet’s cause did much to, in no uncertain terms, balm the angst and hurt the local Tibetans carried against him for forsaking Buddhism in favour of Christianity.

Besides the uniqueness of a Tharchin Babu’s clothing, that of him becoming a Christian, and his journal being the only Tibetan language tabloid, we must also include another exclusivity: he was the editor, proprietor, compositor, printer, publisher and the selling agent of Tibet Mirror. The journal being a one-man show it would come out as and when he had the time, the inclination, and the inspiration to sit and write and most of all when he had the money to meet the printing cost. Consequently, its publication was extremely erratic and sometimes there was no Tibet Mirror for months and at other times even for a year or two. Because of the indeterminate duration one might have had to endure in waiting for the next issue, every time the tabloid came out it became a major event in the Tibetan-speaking world. He however made up for this inconsistency at a later period. When the Chinese communist army occupied Lhasa, Tharchin Babu was so enraged that he responded with double issues a month containing a greater barrage of anti-communist articles with Chairman Mao Tse Tung always receiving the author’s full contempt.

But besides the Tibet Mirror Tharchin Babu also published Bible texts and religious tracts for the Church of Scotland Mission and occasionally did some print-works for the local businessmen. He also was a teacher in great demand: his knowledge of classical and colloquial Tibetan was excellent and to tap this gift numerous Europeans Tibetologists came to study Tibetan grammar under him. Foreigners frequently sought him out as a guide and when on that job he would be away from Kalimpong for weeks and months, this being one amongst the several contributory factors for the irregular issues of his journal. Tharchin Babu, in summary, was an indefatigable man and whenever the opportunity presented itself he capped his busy schedule as a lay preacher for the Church of Scotland Mission.

He is no more with us, the Tibet Mirror is gone and his house from where the Tibet Mirror Press functioned at the Tenth Mile is but a ramshackle shed awaiting demolition and the rise of a multi-storied concrete structure. but he still lives on in our memories as a man who single-handedly and unflaggingly, despite knowing that it was a lost cause, took on the might of the Chinese communists from his small dingy wooden house at Kalimpong.

George Dorje Tshering Tharchin, alias Khunu Tharchin, was without a shade of doubt our ‘Lonely Warrior’.

22 Mar 2008 01:36 am

SUMI - Dr. Sonam Wangyal

- Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

When the Scottish Universities Mission (SUM) was formed it was decided that Sikkim would be its field of operation. Keeping that in perspective Reverent Macfarlane was sent to Kalimpong, as the first SUM missionary, to start a training school for teachers and catechists who would later go to Sikkim and spread the message of the Bible.

On 19 April 1886 the Training Institute was formally opened with twelve students. They lived in long low-roofed houses containing rooms that accommodated two to three students. The number of pupils gradually increased and in the turn of the century an English medium school run by Harkadhoj Pradhan was amalgamated to the Scottish Universities Mission’s Training Institute raising its numerical strength and also the associated problems that come with such a sudden increase. Rev. Dr. Sutherland, the first Principal, had recently left for Scotland having managed the school for over twelve years and the new incumbent must have found the job quite a hand full. Despite the sincerity of the mission and the historical importance of the institution the formative years were difficult and actual success was some distant years away.

In 1901 the school was in its fifteenth year and was still struggling to stand on its feet. The muster roll of 26 March showed a strength of a hundred pupils but the actual attendance was almost 50% less with only 53 students in the class rooms. The weak turnout would have, in a way, suited the new Principal, Rev. John Macara, for the school was short staffed with only one Pundit and three “chela” Pundits. The medium of instruction was in Hindi and you readers will be surprised to know that in the primary section the children were made to learn Latin and how that would be of use to the hill lads seems rather uncertain.

In 1907 Rev. Sutherland returned for his second stint as the Principal. The school had grown substantially but the facilities had not kept pace and that year Mr. N. Lambert, the Inspector of Schools, commented, “With the exception of Mr. Sutherland the members of the staff have poor qualifications and are poorly paid.” Rev. Sutherland was to change all that and set right whatever other shortcomings. The improvements were so rapid and substantial that the new Inspector of Schools, Mr. P. Chatterjee, when he visited the school in 1914 wrote, “The school is unquestionably doing excellent work and I would like some of our teachers in the plains to come and see the work done here.” A year later Lord Charmichael noted, “It seemed to me that the nature study in the school is the best which I have met with any school in Bengal.” The rickety old school was now standing on solid foundations and Sutherland could now look forward to heading home having given over 25 years (1887-1899 & 1907-1920) of his active life to the growth and development of the school. It was a time well spent and when he left Kalimpong in the beginning of 1920 he must have been a very satisfied man.

Today SUMI is one of the best schools in India. The nouveau riche may gauge the standard of a school by the fees charged but the proper method is to rate a school through its alumni. In the final count it is not the fancy buildings, heated swimming pools, grand parks with stadiums etc. etc. but how the finished products of the school have fared in life. This deciding factor in the case of SUMI’s is so impressive that it will easily put to shame many better endowed and more celebrated institutions. The SUMI gave Bhutan and Darjeeling their first doctors, produced a Chief of the Army, an Inspector General of Police, several Cabinet Ministers, Ambassadors, numerous educationists, top ranking bureaucrats, the first Nepali Judge in an Indian High Court and the list could go on endlessly. Suffice it to say that the young ones of SUMI have a wonderful legacy to uphold which sums up to a heavy but at the same time a delightful burden of making themselves successful SUMITES.

28 Jan 2008 08:30 pm

The Teething Years

-Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

At the time of the British take over of Kalimpong (1865) the population of the present day Sub-Division was estimated to be around 3536 souls only. Following the annexation immigration was actively encouraged and the industrious Nepalis happily crossed the Tista to populate and terrace the virgin soil. By 1881 the population had risen to 12,683 and the annual revenue from poll tax had also increased from a paltry Rs 640 to a respectable Rs 11,800. In the next decade the population more than doubled to 26,631 and the bazaar had, beside the Nepalis, Lepchas and Bhutias, several Marwaris, Mohameddans, and other plainsmen. When Britain extracted a trade convention in 1893 allowing for a trade mart at Yatung it was expected to boost trade through Kalimpong. However, nothing worthy of statistical records materialized and people, by then well over 45,000, went about their normal chores waiting for a bonanza called Tibet Trade. Then towards the turn of the century a man arrived who was to change the face of Kalimpong. This man, Rev. Dr. Grahams, in the opening year of the twentieth century contributed considerably to Kalimpong’s population, prestige and pecuniary development by commencing the St. Andrew’s Colonial Homes. The empty hillside below the Daelo then became the sight of sustained construction. Expecting many more Europeans to follow Dr. Graham, Daelo was made the preserve of the Europeans with the government earmarking ten residential sites of two acres each for European settlement. Far away on the opposite side the ‘Development Area’ was reserved for the hillmen with the ruling that no one else could occupy it. Later matters would end the other way around with Europeans and Bengalis living at the Development Area and the hillmen on the Daelo slopes.

The next spurt of development came when many of the soldiers in Younghusband’s Mission to Tibet passed through Kalimpong in 1904. The Mela Ground was increased to accommodate the soldiers, numerous coolies and suppliers arrived (many of whom never went back) and the crude road to Jelep La was improved upon. Incidentally, the temporary armoury of Younghusband containing some canons (Nepali: tope pronounced as in ‘rope’) became our present day ‘Top-khana’. This Mission profited the British with two more trade marts at Gyantse and Gartok and with that the chances of Kalimpong becoming a bustling trade centre increased. But hope was belied for the road communication was still primitive and most of all the Tista was yet to be bridged sufficiently strong for the expected commerce. It was during this difficult phase that a European wool trader, Mr Korb, finding that all suitable lands being either reserved forest or reserved for hillmen, applied to the government to purchase a plot. This became a sounding bell that there were people, besides the highlanders, who were interested in settling in Kalimpong. With Darjeeling becoming rapidly overpopulated the government now weighed Kalimpong as a possible alternative.

Mr. C. J. Stevenson-Moore, a Member of the Board of Revenue, along with the Commissioner of the Rajsahi Division and the deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling accordingly visited Kalimpong in the first week of June 1914. Kalimpong was found suitable for a hill station but Stevenson-Moore set three prerequisites: (1) the area east of Tista be declared a Sub-Division, (2) provision for potable water supply be made and (3) the road to Jelep La be improved. In 1915 the Tista Valley Extension Railway opened with Gaillekhola as a terminus and effort was made to improve the existing cart road between Tista and Kalimpong including the road to Jelep La. In 1916 Kalimpong was declared a Sub-Division and in November 1917 the Governor of Bengal visited Kalimpong and approved Rinkingpong as suitable site for a new Civil Station. The rules were revised to allow fresh settlers at Ringkingpong and the hillmen living there walked away with compensation for land, crop and building with an additional bonus in the form of cash for shifting. Kalimpong was now to become a hill station.

17 Jan 2008 01:38 pm

The Bonus Land

-Dr. Sonam B Wangyal

In the 1864-65 Anglo-Bhutan War the British stretched the Bhutanese troops by opening up multiple fronts along the length of the Bhutan border. However, unlike the Sikkim operation where the Rangeet was bridged, the Tista was not spanned and the battle was fought a good distance away from today’s Kalimpong town. The main motive for the British aggression was to cut off the Bhutanese from all the passes leading to the Indian plains. The war was fought between two uneven sides and despite a bit of saber rattling and some resistance the Bhutanese were no match against the more disciplined, better equipped and numerically stronger British forces. The westernmost flank traced the route through Ambiok, Algarah and thence to Daling fort. Following the expected victory the entire ‘Athara Duar’ or the eighteen passes between Assam and Bengal (‘Dwar/Duar’:Sanskrit - door, opening, pass) became British possession, and since the area west of Ambiok-Algarah-Daling was cut off from the Bhutanese it was also incorporated into the British gains. Kalimpong proper and its surrounding areas therefore came to British possession not because the British fought for them – it was just a bonus acquisition.

Quite naturally the British did not display any calculated concern to a cheaply obtained land and, regardless of the similarity of the population and terrain to that of Darjeeling, the wrested area was attached to the Western Duars as the Dalingkote Sub-Division. Kalimpong was left as it was and even the Mondals who collected the poll taxes for the Bhutanese were allowed to continue except that they would be doing so for the British thenceforth.

In the following year the Sub-Division of Dalingkote was transferred to Darjeeling and the designation ‘Sub-Division’ removed. The newly formed district was divided into (a) the Headquarters Sub-Division (960 square miles) consisting of all the hill areas on both sides of the Tista and (b) the Terai Sub-Division that included the foothills. Later (1891) Kurseong became the headquarters of a Sub-Division by the same name and in 1907 Siliguri Sub-Division was carved out, but Kalimpong remained as an unsolicited attachment to the District Headquarters. The apathy to this add-on territory was so absolute that for the entire area only two officers were appointed: a manager for the Khas Mahal lands and a Police Inspector. When Kurseong Sub-Division was created it had a population of 44,649 and in 1901 Kalimpong’s population was very close to that but the status of a Sub-Division still remained a distant dream. By 1911 the population had soared to 55,653 and yet Kalimpong was not made a Sub-Division and the honour was to eventually arrive only in 1916 when the population rose well beyond 70,000: it had taken all of 47 years for area to become a Sub-Division. Questions that logically and instantly arise are, why the apathy and why the delay in creating the Sub-Division.

The answer probably lies in something that Kalimpong could do nothing about: it was after all just a ‘bonus land’.

14 Aug 2007 05:50 pm

On a vintage drive with Lady Mountbatten - Down Memory Lane

www.telegraphindia.com
RAJEEV RAVIDAS

The photograph shows Lady Edwina Mountbatten and her daughter Pamela standing beside the Ford V8 as a young Diyali looks on from the driver’s seat. (below) Diyali now.
Picture by Chinlop Fudong Lepcha

Kalimpong, Aug. 14: A few days before the stroke of midnight ushering in 1947 and Indian independence, a stroke of good fortune visited a young driver-cum-owner of this hill town. He got to drive Edwina Mountbatten, the wife of the last Indian viceroy Lord Mountbatten, and their daughter Pamela in his 1935 vintage Ford V8 Tourer car.

Sixty years later, Harka Bahadur Diyali, now 83, still remembers those days vividly, though the dates escape him. A framed photograph showing the then 23-year-old Diyali on the wheel of his car with Edwina and Pamela standing next to it has pride of place in his house at 10th Mile.

“It was sometime in the first half of August before Independence that we had gone to receive the Lady and her daughter at the Bagdogra airport,” recalled Diyali. “We” meant a group of drivers from Kalimpong, who went down to Bagdogra in their cars under instructions from the administration, which wanted a full convoy.

“I had bought my car from a man in Kishanganj about two years earlier for Rs 3,000. I used it as a taxi, plying between Kalimpong and Siliguri. At the airport, the Ford V8 Tourer was almost at the end of the queue, but to my surprise the lady and her daughter opted to ride in my old car instead of all the new cars that were there at their disposal,” Diyali remembered fondly.

However, the demands of protocol almost deprived Diyali the privilege of driving the Mountbattens.

“The aide-de-camp of the lady handed me a small Union Jack and asked me to fix it on my car. Now, my car did not have the provision to fix a flag. However, I rummaged through my toolbox and found a steel rod and a bit of wire. I quickly hung the flag to the rod and used the wire to tie it to the V8 logo in the front,” he said with a twinkle in his eyes.

That done, Edwina and Pamela hopped into the open-hooded car and drove up to Kalimpong at the head of a convoy of four or five vehicles. During the two-hour drive, the two refused to pull the hood even when it started drizzling at Tarkhola. “Instead, they nonchalantly opened their umbrellas and we carried on,” said Diyali.

During the three days the Mountbattens stayed at Dr Graham’s Homes in Kalimpong, it was Diyali who drove them around. “From here they went to Sikkim, and it was I who drove them up to Rangpo. On their return from Sikkim, I again brought them back from Rangpo. Then they went to Darjeeling and I dropped them at the Teesta bridge from where they got into one of the cars waiting for them on the other side of the bridge,” said the 83-year-old.

At the Teesta bridge, Edwina asked him if he wanted anything, but Diyali did not know English and only nodded his head. “It was the police inspector present at the spot who later told me about the offer the lady had made,” said a smiling Diyali, his face betraying no trace of regret.

And why should he? After all, the ladies did actually shake his hand, an honour that even the English-speaking police officer did not have!

24 Jul 2007 03:28 pm

Kalimpong’s Untold Story

by Janice Mukhia

If ever there was a point in our past that changed the fabric of our entire community, I would have to flip the calendar to lay a finger on Sunday, the 27th of July, 1986.

Indeed, that is a day that will go down in the annals of Kalimpong history as “Our” Black Sunday. It is a day that continues to live in infamy, for in that tragic moment we all turned a corner and underwent a complete transformation. Quite unknowingly we bid farewell to our inborn innocence and inherited, what some have quite candidly labeled as, the “Inheritance of Loss”. We undoubtedly inherited a great loss, the burden of which we carry to this day.

It did not all start out that way, or rather no one had quite envisioned the tragedy and atrocity that that day would bring upon us.

It was a bright, hot summer day in late July. The Gorkhaland agitation—the demand for a separate state for thousands of Nepalese living in Darjeeling and its sub-division had gripped the hills. Every man, woman and child’s interest and involvement in the agitation was adequately piqued. The movement undoubtedly, had reached a fever pitch. Darjeelingeys brimmed with fervor towards the cause, and supported it with a dedication that almost equaled blind faith. A burning passion for the land had kindled the heart of every darjeelingey, and every lip pledged support to give their life, if need be, for “our maato”.

On 27th of July, 1986, I woke up to the murmurings of an entire village drenched in a carnivalesque mood. Women draped in colorful chowbandi cholos paced the streets with saipatri malas hanging around their neck. Men in daura suruwals and khukuris slung by their sides walked alongside, eager to impress their female counterparts. Every other person, musically challenged or not, sported a beat or two on the madal. Festoons fluttered in the afternoon breeze, and shouts of “jai gorkha-jai gorkhaland” pierced through the ravines and cliffs. On that day, cultural, societal, economic and religious boundaries seemed to fade and had merged as one. Everyone, be it bahun, rai, limbu, kami or damai spoke with ONE voice, with one purpose, such as, or had never been seen before.

At the heart of all the festivities was a much somber issue. The Indo-Nepal treaty which in way had sealed the fate of the Nepalese and their status quo in India lay at the heart of this contentious issue. Shrouded in uncertainty, Clause 7 of the treaty came to be synonymous with the ambiguous legal status of the Nepalese living, not only in the Darjeeling Hills but throughout India. Our “Identity” as legal residents of India was in itself brought to question. A mass campaign was therefore organized, to burn the flags of the two countries and to nullify the treaty. Leaders at the local level had planned a non-violent march to the main town square to make their demands heard. It came as a step in the direction to gain an equal footing as rightful, legal, tax-paying citizens of India.

As expected there was a huge turn-out. Processions from all quarters of town with its share of musicians, dancers, men, women and children converged at the main town square roughly around mid-day. But just as they were approaching the police head-quarters someone heard a loud boom. Unaware of what was going on, the crowd continued under the impression the sound was from a firecracker. Then the boom was followed by yet another, then another and yet another loud boom. No one quite knew what was going on, but commotion broke loose as a lady fell to the ground with blood streaming down her temples. As realization of a cruel reality slowly filtered in, mass hysteria ensued.

Armed forces, unbeknownst to the crowd had crept atop buildings along the road, and were firing blindly, mercilessly and ruthlessly at the unarmed crowd below. Women scurried to protect their young ones from flying bullets. Children ran aimlessly even as their fathers were shot down like animals on a firing range. Mothers saw their sons falling by their side, children witnessed blood streaming down the cheeks of their parents. The elderly lay dying by the street, struggling to let go of their last breath. Men attempted to combat the oppressors with bare essentials, but to no avail. Every shot fired from a vantage spot gave birth to an orphan or to a widow. In the end, cries for a loved one, cries of loss and cries of pain were drowned among a heap of bodies that lay strewn along the road and hill slopes. Gold ear-rings lay unclaimed by the gutter, sarees lay drenched in blood, a stray pair of sandals lay by the road side even as its owner lay face down against the hot, hard and rough surface of a blood stained road. After what seemed like hours of massacre, all that remained were remnants of life or lives that once was, or once could be. Deathly silence crept upon the land, as confusion gave way to mourning. It was a horrid spectacle reminiscent of a scene out of the Crimean war.

The Law of the land or rather the lawlessness behind the action towered above the din of death. Surely no law or an attempt for its justification could legitimize a gruesome act of this magnitude. Our Human Rights had been violated. Our Constitutional rights had been violated and seized from us, but alas who was there to speak for the dead, or rather, who among the living could testify against this gross injustice. Celebration turned to lamentation, laughter to tears and hope to hopelessness. Kalimpong and her children had been murdered, yet, who was there to grieve for the dead or console the living? It was a dark, a very dark period in our lives. Indeed, the cries of the innocent reverberate, to this day, in the streets and in the building alleys.

Many years have passed since Kalimpong first tasted the bitterness of death. Many years have passed since that fateful day in July, when we lost so many of our loved ones to gross injustice. Many years have passed since that black Sunday, yet memories of their painful death stare upon us like an open wound. We have shed many tears since; we have buried many loved ones since, and continue to grapple with the pain inflicted upon us.

Politics and politicians have inevitably forgotten or rather, have chosen to forget the trail of tears that the people have shed. They remain true to their fabric, choosing rather to pursue interests that fuel their individual pursuit for fame and fortune.
A massacre of a different kind now looms large amidst us. It is now up to us to remember the price we paid to gain what was rightfully ours. It is up to us to cherish and respect the life and death of those who we once lost. It is up to Kalimpong and her people, to remember and hold onto the hope that was once alive.

Just as the soul of every martyr remains aflame within the pages of our history, so too “Our Story” remains immortal in our psyche: Our Story is worth the memories!

11 Jun 2007 07:23 pm

Traders protest war losses- Chinese promise to look into Rs 20-cr compensation cry

www.telegraphindia.com

Gangtok, June 11: It may be only a small step, but it has brought hope to second generation Nathu-la traders.

Sikkimese businessmen have sought Rs 20 crore as compensation from China for losses suffered by them after trading through the 14,400-ft border outpost was stopped in 1962 following the Chinese aggression.

The Chinese have agreed to look into the matter.

Many of these traders had family businesses at Yatung and other areas of the Chinese-occupied Tibet in the 1950s. They had been given 48 hours to wind up their trade, failing which they would have been arrested. About 100 traders from Sikkim and another 100 from Kalimpong fled China at that time. Nathu-la was sealed and remained shut for more than 40 years till it reopened on July 6, 2006. (more…)

19 Apr 2007 12:29 am

Trouble brews over statue

www.telegraphindia.com

Kalimpong, April 18: The ABGL’s decision to reinstall the statue of its leader Damber Bahadur Gurung at Damber Chowk here is threatening to snowball into a controversy.

The bust of Gurung, which had replaced that of Queen Victoria in the early 70s, was removed by unidentified persons in the next decade.

The current crisis began when the GNLF-controlled Kalimpong Municipality issued a directive to the ABGL on April 12, asking it not to install the statue of Gurung at the chowk, or the town centre. The board of councillors said it would hinder freedom of speech as the place is used as a podium to address the public by various organisations, including political parties.

But the ABGL has pointed out that the land belongs to the Darjeeling Improvement Fund, not the civic body. “We will file a writ petition in the high court if the municipality does not budge from its position,” said Pratap Khati, a politburo member of the party.

The CPM, on its part, has objected to the municipality’s claim that the queen’s bust was stolen by “miscreants”. “In fact, it was removed by the leaders of Kalimpong as part of the nationwide trend of doing away with symbols of the British Raj,” said party leader Tara Sundas.

Civic chairman C.K. Kumai could not be contacted.

19 Apr 2007 12:28 am

Trouble brews over statue

www.telegraphindia.com

Kalimpong, April 18: The ABGL’s decision to reinstall the statue of its leader Damber Bahadur Gurung at Damber Chowk here is threatening to snowball into a controversy.

The bust of Gurung, which had replaced that of Queen Victoria in the early 70s, was removed by unidentified persons in the next decade.

The current crisis began when the GNLF-controlled Kalimpong Municipality issued a directive to the ABGL on April 12, asking it not to install the statue of Gurung at the chowk, or the town centre. The board of councillors said it would hinder freedom of speech as the place is used as a podium to address the public by various organisations, including political parties.

But the ABGL has pointed out that the land belongs to the Darjeeling Improvement Fund, not the civic body. “We will file a writ petition in the high court if the municipality does not budge from its position,” said Pratap Khati, a politburo member of the party.

The CPM, on its part, has objected to the municipality’s claim that the queen’s bust was stolen by “miscreants”. “In fact, it was removed by the leaders of Kalimpong as part of the nationwide trend of doing away with symbols of the British Raj,” said party leader Tara Sundas.

Civic chairman C.K. Kumai could not be contacted.

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