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Darjeelingtimes.com

By Upendra

“Swaraj is my birth right and I shall have it” – Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak

On behalf of all the people of Darjeeling hills and Doors… Foremost, let me congratulate the people of Telangana… Like us, you have demanded to write your own collective destiny… Like us, you have demanded to live the promise of our Independence – Swaraj… Like us, you have aspired to manifest your own destiny… and thanks to your leader Mr. K. Chandrasekhar Rao, who followed the path of Satyagraha as laid down by Bapuji… your “tryst with destiny,” is not too far… So hearty congratulations from all of us… We – The People of Darjeeling are happy for you.

Having shared my best wishes with the people of Telangana, I can’t help but feel a tad jealous of them. Look at the facts, our demand for an administrative set up separate from West Bengal is now 102 years old, twice as old as the demand for Telangana, and way older than all the states formed in the recent past: Jharkhand, Uttarakhanda and Chhattisgarh.

So why is our demand not being seriously looked into or considered?

Democracy is a game of numbers, and the fact is that when it comes to numbers we do not matter at all. We have 3 [now 4 if we include Kalchini] MLA’s out of a total of 294 in West Bengal state assembly and we have 3/5th of an MP [rest being those who do not support us] in the Lok Sabha out of a total of 552 MPs. So politically it does not matter what we demand or want, what matters is the fact that, we have been rendered politically insignificant by the very system [democracy] that was supposed to protect us.

But more than the number game, I think it is our politicians who have time and again failed us. To me it seems that instead of following the true path of Satyagraha as prescribed by Gandhiji, our politicians followed the re-mixed version of it… Thus, instead of Gandhian philosophy, we adopted Gandhigiri as our guiding post, and this, I strongly believe is where we went wrong….

• Chandrasekhar Rao following the footsteps set by Gandhiji went on hunger strike for 11 days… Whereas our politicians inspired by Gandhigiri made their followers go on hunger strike… not even a single leader of ours has gone on hunger strike so far.

• The youths in Telangana following the Gandhian call of “do or die,” held hands when faced with police brutality but refused to give in or give up… Whereas our youths inspired by Gandhigiri transformed into GLPs and forbade people from holding hands altogether…

• Government officials in Telangana following the Gandhian philosophy of “non-cooperation” resigned amass from their secure jobs provided by the Andhra Pradesh government … Whereas, our government officials inspired by Gandhigiri, continue to faithfully serve the West Bengal government [many even after their retirement].

• Leaders in Telangana inspired by Satyagraha did not want anything to do with Andhra Pradesh… Whereas, our politicians inspired by Gandhigiri continue to support West Bengal by demanding permanent status for workers, to DGHC… I don’t understand, aren’t we opposed to DGHC? Aren’t we supposed to not have anything to do with DGHC or any such body? So why do we want our people to be permanently employed by West Bengal?

• All the political parties in Telangana following the Gandhian principle of “unity in diversity” united to demand their rights… Whereas our political parties inspired by Gandhigiri seem to have vowed to never see eye to eye with each other… Moreover, who needs a multi-party democracy, when single party can rule as a dictator?

• The ladies in Telangana following Gandhiji’s teaching of “strength” marched shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts to ascertain their rights… Whereas our ladies inspired by the teaching of Gandhigiri started to meddle in everything, from Logney-swasni ko jhagada… nauran… ghewa… arkako choree bhagako to love letter pathako milaunu samma.

• Most important of all, the students in Telangana following Gandhiji’s teaching of “sacrifice” ushered in the revolution which made the Centre and the state government to bow down… Whereas our students [read GJM students wing] inspired by Gandhigiri forced other students to compulsorily wear cultural dresses and stop using mobile phones…

So from my count, so far Gandhiji’s path of Satyagrah has outscored us on every count. May be, it is high time for our so called politicians to rectify their past mistakes and come together as one to demand what is rightfully ours – Gorkhaland.

We could start with a hunger strike by our MP Mr. Jaswant Singh, Mr. Bimal Gurung, and entire GJM Delhi Unit office bearers in Delhi… With the rest of GJM central committee members including Mr. Roshan Giri, Mr. Anmole Prasad, Mr. Amar Lama, Dr. Harka Bahadur Chettri, Mrs. Urmila Rumba, Mrs. Asha Gurung and GJM Youth Wing leaders and Col. Alley along with leaders from CPRM Mr. R. B Rai and Mr. Sawan Rai, leader from Gorkha League Mr. Madan Tamang, leader from Congress (I) Mr. Dawa Narbula and so on staging hunger strike in Darjeeling, Kurseong, Mirik, Kalimpong, Siliguri and Doors.

I am confident, if our MP Mr. Jaswant Singh along with Mr. Bimal Gurung go on indefinite hunger strike for Gorkhaland, all of India will support our demand. So leaders, here is your chance to lead… show us the way… we are ready to follow… No more Gandhigiri please but lead us along the true path of Gandhiji…. Satyagrah.

Finally! I leave our leaders with our famous chant…. “Neta timaru bhok-hartaal basa… jantaa timarko saath chha”

Hope! I made some sense.

- Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

It was towards the winter of 1995 in one of my customary visits to Professor Richard Keith Sprigg’s one-room books and journals lined apartment that I received one of the most fascinating surprises of my life. Dr. Sprigg, a retired professor of Cambridge University, is in many ways a man of many surprises but I was never prepared for the particular surprise that was in store for me.

Reaching Kalimpong early one day, and having plenty of time to ‘kill’ before picking up my daughter from the Convent, one of the many options open to me was a visit to the old linguist. A visit to him had always been profitable and this one was not expected to be any less. In most of my visits I would be the one to begin the conversation as I always had a stock of questions to which he invariably had ready set of amazingly scholarly answers. This time around it was he who commenced the proceedings and that too in a very extraordinary manner. He opened a cupboard, took out a fresh bottle of premium Scotch Whisky and asked that we celebrate. It appeared that he had been waiting for several weeks to find someone suitable to mark one of the most memorable days in his life. The problem was that it was just ten o’clock in the morning and at twelve I had to collect my daughter and the hum of alcohol in my breath would immediately erase the relatively good impression that I had cultivated, over almost a decade, with the nuns at the convent. Despite the great honour from the internationally respected linguist I was not prepared to annihilate my reputation, and in the process my daughter’s too, without having some extraordinarily compelling reasons. Eventually we hit upon a compromise: he would narrate the unforgettable event and if I found that to be worthy of a celebration I would wet my throat. In the meanwhile I had mentally planned to ask my friend to fetch my daughter should the unexpected had the better of me.

The old gentleman proudly informed me that he had received his third Doctorate a few weeks ago. The news just stunned me. I knew that he was working on a Balti dictionary but in my over half a dozen annual visits to his place I had never seen him working on a dissertation and all of a sudden this surprise. Knowing that he had a Ph. D. from London University and a Litt. D. from Cambridge I enquired if this one was from Oxford. The Professor was firm that this Doctorate was more valuable than what Oxford could confer and recounted the following story.

A few weeks ago he had been invited to address a Rai conference in Capitol Hall at Darjeeling. He planned out two speeches, a short and a long one, with the same introduction. While delivering the introductory part of the speech if the audience became fidgety and noisy he would follow it up with the short speech and if the public responded well then he would go for the longer one. The response was favourable and he continued with the lengthy lecture dwelling on the historical, cultural and other aspects of the Rais of Nepal and Darjeeling. The Rais, it must be remembered, have a most unique and colourful feature in their cultural milieu represented by the Bijuwa (shaman) whom they call Mangpa. It was natural that a good portion of the lecture had to do with the mangpas and at the end of the speech the mangpas present were so pleased with what the old man had to say that they went up the stage, put the mangpa attire on him, beat their drums, chanted mantras and officially ordained Professor Sprigg as an honorary mangpa. Thus Professor Richard Keith Sprigg, an Englishman to the boot, became the first and only European mangpa. The story ended there and he uncorked the bottle confident that I would now honor the event with a sip or two.

I was still not prepared to humour him and asked him to tell me about his third Doctorate instead of wasting time over a true but off the track story. He stared at me through his light blue eyes, almost apologetically, and remarked in a tone of disappointment that I had overlooked the story. He exclaimed with an unmistakable emphasis that he was now a mangpa, and that was a Doctorate because he had now become Rai witchdoctor. It was an unusual Doctorate but it was valuable and significant to him because it had come from the hearts of the simple people he had gone to address. He was overwhelmed and if he had won some Rai hearts with his speech the Rais had certainly gained him with their gesture. The Doctorate actually was an extraordinary one and certainly not something that Oxford University could bestow.

My mentor had won. It was barely 10:30 am and there I was absolutely dumbfounded not because of the Scotch in me but because of the story that led me to imbibe it.

Here’s an earlier article by Dr. Wangyal on Professor Sprigg.
-admin

From: www.savethehills.blogspot.com

HOLISTIC APPROACH TO LANDSLIDE MANAGEMENT AND MITIGATION IN THE HILL AREAS OF DARJEELING AND SIKKIM HIMALAYAS.

- Er. Upendra Mani Pradhan
B.Sc., B.Tech(Hons.), M.Tech(R.P.), A.I.T.P.(India)
Kalimpong.

Landslides may rightly be called the “Tsunami of the Hills”! It is, therefore, very encouraging to note that a Landslide Hazard Workshop is being hosted on 21st. November, 2008 at Darjeeling with the eminent Geographer and Landslide Expert, Prof. Leszek Starkel of Poland attending as the Chief Guest.

NEED FOR A HOLISTIC APPROACH :

Over 40 years of experience in Urban and Rural Planning has taught me that a simplistic approach, of building a wall here and a drain there, will not solve the problems of landslides in the hills. Numerous inter-connected factors come into play, requiring a deeper study of cause and effect that will finally lead us to a more Holistic Approach. A few points for interaction during the Workshop are given below :

1. BANNING OF POLYBAGS BY IMPOSING FINES :

This has been tried out by several municipalities from time to time, but the duration of success is barely a couple of months, after which the polybags reappear! The main objection being most of the marketing of goods are done in modern, attractive, polythene packages, which the municipalities cannot control. It is said that polythene and plastic bottles take as many as 400-700 years to just begin to breakdown in a land-fill – and they constitute millions of tons in garbage heaps of urban areas! Why not recycle this environmentally degrading waste material of global nuisance value into long-lasting attractive coloured modular-sized bricks for the ever growing building industry? Are the Tatas, Birlas, Mittals and Ambanis listening?? They can get their raw materials free of cost !

2. “JHORAS” (HILL STREAMS) – WORTH WORSHIPPING! :

It is often believed that ‘Jhoras’ are the main cause for landslides in the hills. This is far from the truth. In fact, ‘Jhoras’ form part of the natural drainage system and are meant to be Nature’s ‘safety valves’ to quickly and safely carry away rainfall runoff from large hilly catchment areas, to the rivers and seas in the plain areas below, without causing any damages along the way. ‘Jhoras’ carry water and so maintain natural vegetation like trees, shrubs, grasses along their sides to prevent toe erosion. But Man, in his infinite wisdom, cuts down such trees and shrubs; indiscriminately throws waste-matter into them; removes stone boulders, cobbles and sand; blocks the ‘jhoras’ and constructs buildings on them, thereby violating all the unwritten environmental laws of Nature! Mother Nature revolts and retaliates through landslides!

Another reason is that our hill areas are bombarded with heavy rainfall during the monsoon (2000mm to 3000mm per annum). In the natural scheme of things, this precipitation partly permeates into the soil through open ground and partly flows as surface runoff and finds its way to the ‘jhoras’. But with intense urbanization in our towns, almost all open ground surfaces have been built upon or paved by roads, courtyards and footpaths, thereby all the rainfall now flows as surface runoff and enters the ‘jhoras’ with great velocity, far exceeding their normal carrying capacity. This results in toe erosion of the ‘jhoras’ which is the precursor to a landslide.

From the above it can be seen that our forefathers were no fools! They set up ‘Devi-Sthans’ (Place of worshipping Goddess) amidst ‘jhoras’for the simple reason that our ‘jhoras’ must be faithfully conserved as they have a vital role to play in our lives. ‘Jhora’ water can also be diverted into farm lands for irrigation purposes. However, in the hills, it is better not to use this water for surface-irrigating paddy crops, because stagnant water kept in the fields over a long stretch of time, may cause landslides. From careful observation, it can also be found that the percolated water through porous soil, normally finds its way back into the ‘jhoras’ at a lower point below – this is naturally filtered water, which is used by village folk for drinking purposes. Our ‘jhoras’ are sacred entities – let us spread awareness and restore them back to their pristene glory, through planned Conservation.

3. URBANIZATION PARADOX IN THE HILLS – NOWHERE TO GO, BUT UPWARDS! :

About a week ago, Newspapers carried bold headlines about the demolition drive taken up by Darjeeling Municipality, to knock down two of the eight storied building constructed illegally within the Municipal area. A photograph of Darjeeling Town also accompanied this news. What pained me most was the depressing photograph of the so called “Queen of Hill Stations” – virtually in Rags, with sub-standard, un-aesthetic, tall buildings piled one-on-top-of-the-other!

The same is true for Kurseong and Kalimpong Towns. In Sikkim, Gangtok, Ramphu, Namchi, Singtam and the other towns are doing no better, Mirik is a relatively new lake-town, but its overall development and upkeep leaves much to be desired. We claim that Tourism is one of our main economic planks – but once they arrive, the tourists experience a sense of deprivation and despair. There is no planning involved in all these towns and there is a great shortage of greenery, parks and playgrounds, public utilities and facilities and other infrastructure necessary to qualify as a Tourist Town. The enthusiastic tourists surely deserve a better deal!

Darjeeling and Kurseong Towns are now super saturated – all private lands have been built upon and many available public lands have been encroached and also built upon – not sparing ‘jhora’ lands! Both these towns are surrounded by tea gardens and forests, and there is no further scope for horizontal expansion in areas of low gradient. The only possibility is to go upwards, which explains why illegal construction of buildings 5-8 stories (i.e. 60 feet) high are taking place at random. Needless to say that tall concrete buildings exert excessive pressure on the land, heightening the possibility of landslides. Since land has become a very scarce commodity, Illegal constructions are now mushrooming on lands that have a natural gradient of 50 degrees or more. Exceeding the “Angle of Repose” of soil, is a direct invitation to landslides! Foolish but daring people are also building houses on the surface of old landslides, many of which have been washed away during monsoon rains. We don’t seem to learn from our past mistakes! It is distressing to note that all three Towns are sitting on time bombs – Kurseong atop the infamous Ambootia Landslide (supposed to be the biggest in Asia!); Darjeeling atop the Aloobari-Toongsoong and Jail Landslides, and Kalimpong atop the Sindebong, Bhalukhop-Alaichikhop Landslides! A disaster of unimaginable magnitude is waiting to happen anytime!!

Before India’s independence, the British never allowed any construction in the hills to exceed 2 stories, and most of the structures at that time were neat little cottages, made of wood and other light-weight materials. Now, the maximum height of buildings allowed by the Darjeeling Hill Municipal Building Bye-laws is 11.5 meters ( 38 feet) or 4 stories, assuming that room height of 8.5 feet to 9.0 feet will be sufficient for the cold climate of Darjeeling hills. This figure was arrived at during an Expert Committee meeting held at Calcutta (in which I was also a Member). The Darjeeling Municipality has now raised this to 13.5 meters!

Kalimpong and Mirik are better situated, as the Municipal areas are surrounded by large tracts of Khasmahal farm-lands. Sikkim Towns also have restricted space for horizontal expansion, as a result of which heavy RCC high-rise buildings are fast coming up everywhere, giving nightmares to everyone – especially during the rainy season!

The only solution to this problem is to follow Gandhiji’s “Back to the Village” policy and prepare and implement Balanced Regional Growth Plans for the entire hill areas, interspaced with ideally located and well planned Satellite Townships

4. SOIL CONSERVATION POSSIBILITIES – ROADS VERSUS ROPEWAYS :

It has been found that bamboo groves near human settlements in the hills can be dangerous. As bamboo has very shallow roots, the entire grove, having dense interlocked root system, tends to slide down as a solid mass, thereby threatening to cause big landslide damages. Some fast growing native trees with deep root system were also tried out to conserve soil on landsides. However in a few years time, the trees became very tall , big and weighty and finally the trees themselves were responsible for causing fresh landslides. What should perhaps be done is to go in for light shrubs and grasses (e.g. Vitever) with deep root system. An inventory should be made of suitable plants by the Soil Conservation and Forest Departments for immediate testing and application at landslide sites and along both sides of ‘jhoras’. Stunting of suitable deep-rooted trees to reduce their weight may also help. ‘Soil Nailing Techniques’ also sound good – but need to be thoroughly investigated for applicability in the our hills.

It is seen that major road alignments, cutting across our hills, are responsible for triggering the maximum number of landslides during monsoon period. While extensive road connectivity is undoubtedly very important, taking a road upto a certain major focal point in the rural area and then connecting this centre with other secondary villages by ropeways, for movement of both passengers and goods, could be a viable alternative for economic development of the hills, Ropeways need minimum land for putting up their towers and, therefore, cause least damages to the hill sides. While constructing roads, use of blasting technology should be avoided as much as possible, as there is risk of sliding owing to vibrations under the soil. If geological formations permit, we can also think of constructing a series of tunnels (as they have in Pune), which will also reduce travel lengths considerably.

Of late, increase of vehicle population in the hills, is simply maddening! As a result, vehicles are forced to move at crawling speed and searching for suitable space to park the car becomes an impossible and frustrating task! Better to introduce and encourage a system of mass transportation by mini-buses.

5. FOREST LANDS AND WASTE LANDS :

In the beginning of British Rule around 1836 – it is said that the entire hill areas of Darjeeling and Sikkim were dense forests, with no sign of urbanization as we know it today. Forests were clear-felled in a big way in and around Darjeeling. Huge migration of labour took place from Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim and tea plantations were laid by the British. Human settlements, therefore, took place in Forest lands. In 1975, it is learnt that the total forest area in the hill region was 1141 sq. km. distributed over the 3 forest divisions of Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong. Reserved Forests covered 1113 sq.km, Protected forests 9 sq.km and unclassified State forests 29 sq.km. Out o the total 1141 sq.km., only 466 sq.km. were available for economic exploitation by the State of West Bengal. It is a known fact that the Forest Department zealously guards its property and quite rightly so, otherwise by now everything would have been reduced to barren hills. Transfer of forest lands is normally not allowed except in very rare cases when equivalent land must be handed back to the forest department by the transferee, together with cost of re-plantation. This is a wonderful system to preserve our ecology and bio-diversity.

Not much is known about “Waste lands”, but one can presume that they belong to a category of land, which has not been put to any use so far! It is high time that thorough geological studies and mapping of Waste lands are carried out immediately and appropriate steps taken to put them to good use. First and foremost, we need to identify a number of large (say 5 sq.km. – 15 sq.kms. each ) suitable, physio-geographically stable areas for setting up Planned Satellite / New Townships in the region. Do we have a local qualified Hill Geologist amongst us?

6. LAND RECLAMATION IN THE HILLS – FOR OUR LANDSLIDE-FREE, FUTURE TOWNS AND CITIES :

For centuries in Human history, valuable lands in the plains have been reclaimed from the sea or marshes, on which planned cities and other infrastructure have been developed (e.g. Holland where 40% of land is below the sea level ; Salt Lake City in USA; Salt Lake in Kolkata; Queen’s Necklace in Mumbai). I feel that huge tracts of stable, valuable lands can also be reclaimed in the hill areas for setting up our future towns and cities.

It is observed that the most stable lands in the hills are found on hill tops and spurs. The Main Road strip of Kalimpong is located on a spur, where landslides are not known to have occurred at all. This is because drainage ‘jhoras’ are situated at quite a distance away. The catchment area on top being small, flow of water in these ‘jhoras’ is also minimal and therefore their erosion capacity is practically nil. Suppose we find a number of hillocks (preferably waste lands), adjacent to each other and having natural slopes of low gradient – then we will discover that they are separated from each other by shallow valleys at a formative stage. If we draw a cross section of the hillocks, we will see cross sectional lines having low gradient and representing less stable top soils of varying thicknesses and characteristics, below which there will be more stable soils and rocks. The thickness of the top soil can be anything between 3 feet to 10 feet or more. The idea is to bulldoze the entire topsoil and create large terraced surfaces made up of stabilized rocks. The excavated topsoil/rocks can be used to fill up the shallow valleys and fully compacted. This way we will be able to create extensive stable ground surfaces on rocky, freshly created terraced ground levels, on which we can plan out our NEW TOWNS AND CITIES! Of course, all infrastructure like roads, footpaths, multi-storied car parking, water supply, drainage, sewerage, telecommunication, public facilities and utilities etc. must be in place. Water harvesting from roof-tops, Solar Energy for heating and lighting etc. must also be part and parcel of the Project. All this may sound utopian, but this is not beyond the realm of possibility! The most attractive part of this Project is that it will be LANDSLIDE-FREE, as the unstable layers of soil on top will have been removed!! TO ACHIEVE THIS DREAM, WE WILL HAVE TO THINK BOLDLY AND DO THINGS DIFFERENTLY!! This is only a theoretical concept. WHERE IS OUR GEOLOGIST ?

OUR TOWNS ARE FAST TURNING INTO UNMANAGEABLE, UNHEALTHY SLUMS, AND IF WE DON’T TAKE PROMPT POSITIVE ACTION NOW, THEN WE HUMAN BEINGS OURSELVES WILL HAVE TO FACE THE REAL DANGER OF BEING ENLISTED UNDER THE “ENDANGERED SPECIES”!

The Story of Darjeeling
Author: Basant B. Lama
Pages: 364
Price: Rs 150.00

On 7 September 2008 The Story of Darjeeling: The Land of the Indian Gorkha by Basant B. Lama was released in Kurseong. Some of you know Basant Lama as the man whose house and land at Siliguri was acquired, i.e. legally taken against his free will, by the government for the Sikkim Nationalized Transport complex. That, of course, has nothing to do with the book but it is being put in as just by way of an introduction.

The 364-page book is a pleasant read. It is spread over 24 chapters most of which are less than 15 pages in length making each chapter a compact unit. This trimness has the advantage that before one realizes a chapter is through one is already on to the next one. It appears that modesty and conscious caution prevented Lama from titling the book as The History… instead of The Story… but history it definitely is. Most history books are of staid pages, dull and laborious to read. The Story…is a pleasant surprise. History writing follows a chronological order and the language is as a rule cold, direct, and detached. Lama’s account is, however, from the guts and so it is often emotive, the language colloquial, it rejects sequential order, and at times it even gets humorous. The combination of these unusual features makes this book immensely readable.

Almost all books on history are generally a rehash of what has been written before and neither Lama, nor anybody else for that matter, can claim full immunity from this phenomenon. However, what puts him apart from the rest is that he has surprises in store. Consider for example his claim that it was the Gorkhas, and Gorkhas alone, who were responsible for the escape of Subhas Chandra Bose to Germany. For the Sikkimeses reader I might add here that amongst these Gorkhas one was a certain Yonzone, personal servant of Subhas Chandra Bose, and he hailed from Sikkim. Another revelation is that the book claims that Netaji spoke fluent Nepali.

It is not my intention lay bare the whole book but let me just say that it is not a text book stuff. The emotive nature of the writing gives a soul to the book and the occasional sprinkling of humour adds a zest and combined they bring about a vivacity which is rare in a topic as dreary as history. Lama traces the birth of the Bengali bhadrolog and its subsequent effects on Bengal, India and the Gorkhas. Events as distant in time and space as the partition of Bengal is recalled and woven into the fabric of Darjeeling’s history.
In conclusion I can safely claim that this book is ‘raw stuff’ and yet it is one of the easiest to read. If you want to read a book with a heart and a bit of humour, and still feel you are reading history then this is the book. For those of you who are interested to know about the circumstances that Darjeeling and the Dooars are currently placed in, how it came about, and possibly what the future holds, this book is an absolute must.

-Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

THE NEVER-ENDING WAIT FOR A HOMELAND

-Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

The following is a chronicle of the long and enduring struggle of a peoples’ movement for a separate homeland for over a hundred years. It is not a testament to ridicule or chastise our Bengali counterparts but simply to let them understand the sense of helpless predicament that a minority community suffers under the weight of an overwhelming majority population, the helplessness under the dark cloud of political chauvinism, and the helplessness in suffering financial nepotism.

This is also a testament to illustrate many states in India have had the good sense to agree to a partition(s) without feeling a loss of prestige even when there was a possibility of another bifurcation. Assam has been split more times than Bengal can even dread of, and it is still alive and kicking, despite the threat of even more partitions. Consider the strong and proud martial state of Punjab which was partitioned into Punjab and Haryana, it was further partitioned with the formation of Himachal Pradesh and a third partition created Chhandigarh. Punjab still survives not humiliated, not politically weakened and not financially at any great loss. The partitioning of Madhya Pradesh created Chhattisgarh; Andhra Pradesh was a result of the partition of Madras (Tamil Nadu), and Jharkhand was a result of partition of Bihar.

New states have been created but the partition or the process and the subsequent evolvements have never reduced the prestige and the standing of the ‘mother’ states. Examples abound and my prayer is that Bengal politicians should draw lessons form history. I am absolutely confident that a Bengali will be at home in Gorkhaland as a Gorkha will be in Bengal as has been for a Sardar in Haryana or a Jat in Punjab. The exercise is basically to give an identity to a community, race or language, in the form of a separate homeland.

I seriously empathized with one of my good friend, a Bengali from Cachar in Assam, who used to feel isolated, violated and insulted, for his community was an absolute minority with Cachar and its Bengali population like an island surrounded by non-Bengalis. I would request my Bengali friends to co-relate the plight of the Cachar Bengalis in Assam to the dilemma of the Gorkhas and tribal people in West Bengal and then fashion one’s opinion.

One is naturally inclined to believe, and even entirely agree, that Bengal has always been above fair and square with the hills but the present Chief Minister himself is on record commenting that enough had not been done, a statement that comes after 61 years of independence of India and 73 years after the creation of Bengal Legislative Assembly. It is therefore not surprising that numerous Bengali intellectuals are openly espousing Gorkhaland and that is so because history is their testimony, not misplaced sentiment, undue pride or jingoistic political fuss. Of course some confrontational groups of Bengalis and a few politicians do share a different opinion, and the former has over-reacted occasionally and the latter harps on non-acceptance of another partition, but in the end history and reality have to be respected, agreed upon and accepted. No where in India has a community ever had such a profound and protracted struggle like the toil, effort and endeavour for a homeland and I for one believe that an amicable separation is any day better than a rancorous and a bitter divorce.

The story of a struggle for a creation of a separate homeland unfolds in 1907, in the last century, and even continues to the present one. As a non-political observer I find it amazing that despite the Bengali politicians generally being highly cultured, refined, well-educated and staunch believers in human dignity and rights to self determination feels no embarrassment in retaining Darjeeling and the Dooars as parts of West Bengal.

1907: The FIRST DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

Following the division of Bengal the Darjeeling district was put under Bhagalpur Division in Bihar. This did not solve the problem for us because even in Bihar we were still a wretched minority. The very act of shunting the district from one division to another became a proof that the British did not quite know where to place the district. This must have stirred into an awakening amongst the educated people in the district on the feeling that their hills were doomed to exist as a minority through attachment to a bigger state in the plains. Whether Darjeeling was thrown into Bihar or Bengal the hillmen would be an ineffective minority amongst the teeming millions of plainsmen. Furthermore, educationally or financially the hillmen were no match against the plainsmen who had established colleges, universities and commercial industries.

Then came the news of the Morley-Minto Reforms (1909)^[1] which promised constitutional changes and some voice to the Indians in deciding public matters. This must have appeared like a small light at the end of the tunnel and so two years before (1907) the actual reforms came into practice the “leaders of the Hill people” submitted to the government a joint petition on behalf of the Bhutias, Lepchas, and Nepalis demanding a “separate administrative set-up” outside the influence of Bengal. At that period of time, most of the new states that have come up in the past decade or two, had not even been conceptualized, let alone demanded or struggled for.

Nothing materialized out of the 1907 petition and it could be called a failure except for the fact that it was for the first time the three major communities had come under one umbrella, united for a common cause, to seek a homeland of their own. Despite the government’s indifference the year in history did not draw a total blank for Kurseong and Siliguri obtained municipality status in that year.

1917: The SECOND DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

After a gap of ten years on 5th December, 1917, The Hillmen’s Association petitioned Edwin Montague, the Secretary of State for India that “Darjeeling’s inclusion in Bengal was comparatively recent and only because the British were rulers common to both places. …Historically, culturally, ethnically, socially, religiously, linguistically there was no affinity whatsoever between Bengal and Darjeeling.” The petition further stated that, “In laying down the plans for the future, the Government should aim at the creation of a separate unit comprising of the present Darjeeling District with the portion of Jalpaiguri District which was annexed from Bhutan in 1865.”^[2] This would translate as Darjeeling and the Dooars and it was the first demarcation of the homeland in the minds of our forefathers as far back as 1917. It is of no surprise that the Prant Parishad, Gorkha National Liberation Front and the Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha sought or seek nothing more than that. The petition also proposed the formation of North East Frontier Province (cf. North West Frontier Province) which would include Darjeeling District, Dooars, Assam and NEFA (Arunachal Pradesh). Signatories were S.W. Laden La, Dr. Yensingh Sitling, Khardgabahadur Gurung, Meghbir Singh, Lachman Singh, Narprasad Kumai, and Deonidhi Upadhaya.

1920: The THIRD DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

The Hillmen’s Association once again appealed to Edwin Montague on 11 February 1920. The Ninth Dispatch on Indian Constitutional Reforms had placed the district as a “Backward Tract” but the Association rejected this label as derogatory and also as a camouflage to keep the Hills under Bengal. The Memorial stated, “It appears to us that our case has been somewhat obscured by including the dispatch under “Backward Tracts” and our prayer for separation from Bengal has been misunderstood…We respectfully ask that at the present time, when the question of our political future is being determined, we should be granted the recognized rights of self-determination. We do not wish to be dominated by the people of the plains. We are sure that if we were, we would be swamped by the millions of Bengal and our own people would not get their rightful place in the Government of their own country. …Moreover, if our original proposal be adopted, viz., that the portion of the Jalpaiguri District which (along with the Kalimpong Sub-Division) was annexed from Bhutan in 1865, should be excluded from Jalpaiguri and included in our unit, then, we should have a population about as large as that of New Zealand. ”

1920: The FOURTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

In 1920 something strange and unexpected occurred. The Darjeeling Planters’ Association and the European Association of Darjeeling along with the Hillmen’s Association petitioned the government to create an “Excluded Area” comprising of Darjeeling District and the Dooars. Of interest here is that the first two associations’ memberships consisted entirely of Europeans and it becomes apparent that even they felt their interests threatened under the increasing power of native Bengali administrators. The Europeans had huge investments in tea, real estate and hotels and they calculated they would be better protected if the area was administratively detached from Bengal. It is not any great task to imagine the fear and insecurity the hillmen must have endured considering that even the members of the ruling race were worried scared of a continued existence under Bengal. Because of this one joint petition with the British subjects very occasionally some mischievous people try to subject all other later petitions as being influenced by the Darjeeling resident British people. The British were never admitted to any of the hill organizations and they were never taken into confidence nor sought out for guidance or advice, never.

N.B. Statehood for Chattishgarh was first mooted in this year by Rangpur Congress Unit, Thirteen years junior to our demand. The agitation for a state commenced only in the mid-1960s and the first united all party movement came about only in 1990 under Chattishgarh Raj Nirman Manch. In 2000 a new state was born. They were chronologically years behind us but they passed us by because in 1990 all Parties came together including the Congress and the BJP in a bid to create a new state. Maybe there is an important lesson here for our leaders: Chhutay-ra chhuttai rajya paonu garo chha, ektamai hamro jeet chha. A year later in 1921 Thakur Chandansingh (Dehra Doon) formed the Gorkha League,^[3] predominantly consisting of retired Gorkha soldiers. In 1921 Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-cooperation Movement in which Dalbahadur Giri from Darjeeling and Chhabilal Upadhaya from Assam contributed appreciatively.

1929: The FIFTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

The Hillmen’s Association’s demand of 1917 was reiterated once more when Simon Commission visited India in 1929.^[4] This was the year that the First memorandum for a Jharkhand state was placed, junior to our demand by 22 years. In 1947 the All India Jharkhand Party was formed followed by Sonat Santhal Samaj under Shibu Soren in 1969, both junior to out All India Gorkha League by 4 and 26 years respectively. Nothing much happened till when the Maoist Communist Centre once more reiterated the demand in 1971. By this time we had already petitioned the government 18 times. In 1972 Soren formed the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and coincidentally we too have a Mukti Morcha. Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council was conceded to in 1995 but even this was junior to our autonomous Hill Council by 7 years. AND yet Jharkhand became a state in 2000 and we are still languishing even today. If Jharkhand’s famous wicket-keeping son M.S. Dhoni had been born in our hills he would have surely questioned “How’s that?” Yes, how is that possible?

1930: The SIXTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

On 25th October 1930 the “Gorkhas settled and domiciled in India” placed before the government a demand for homeland stating, “Darjeeling, where the Gorkha population predominate, should be excluded from Bengal and treated as an independent administrative unit, with the Deputy Commissioner as the Administrator, vested with much more powers than that of a District Magistrate, and assisted by a small Executive Council, representative of all the interests in the administration of the area.”^[5] Signatories: Rai Saheb H.P. Pradhan (President, Hillmen’s Association, Kalimpong), Lt. Gobardhan Gurung (President, Gorkha Army Officers’ Association), P.M. Sundas (Secretary, Gorkha Library, Kurseong), N.B. Gurung (Secretary, Hillmen’s Association, Kalimpong) and P.P. Pradhan (Secretary, Hillmens Association, Darjeeling).

1934: The SEVENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

The Hillmen’s Association had pleaded for a separate homeland five times and each time the government had failed to respond positively. So on 6th August 1934 the Hillmen’s Association once more submitted a memorial to Sir Samuel Hoare, Secretary of State for India which stated: “No consideration had been given to the hill peoples” (this is in reference to the previous appeals) “…whereas all minority communities in India had received due consideration of their claims …your memorialists emphatically urge that the District of Darjeeling should be totally excluded from Bengal by the creation of an Independent Administrative Unit with an Administrator the Head of the Area assisted by an Executive Council … the area should be placed directly under the Central Government, the Governor of Bengal acting as the Agent to the Governor-General.”^[6] The signatories to the memorial were S.W. Laden La, Lt. Gobardhan Gurung, and Madan Thapa.

1935: The EIGHTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

Rupnarayan Sinha appealed to The Bengal Government in 1935, on behalf of the Hillmen’s Association, and opposed the 1915 Act, as did almost every responsible Indian. But Sinha went a step further and he even added a demand for the creation of a Separate Homeland.

1937: The NINTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

Rai Saheb Hari Prasad Pradhan, the former President of the Hillmens Association (Kalimpong Unit), indirectly appealed to the government that the hills should be separated from Bengal.^[7] “The Hill people as a minority in the Province under the new Constitution have not failed to realize the drawbacks and disadvantages of the present arrangement and they are now apprehensive that their social solidarity and their existence as a community is being threatened with serious disruption owing to various factors coming into play chiefly by the realization by many of them that the hill people’s welfare is now dependent on the exigencies to party politics in the Bengal Assembly and their utter helplessness to make their voice heard.” How very prophetic!

1941: The TENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

There are some people who claim that up till now the hill people had only resorted to petitioning, or paper pushing, and the absence of any aggressive move had stalled the creation of a homeland. The opposite opinion is that there were no political parties till then and in the absence of any political organization the best that could be done was to place repeated petitions before the government. When the 1940s came the emergence of political parties also became a reality and the disintegration of the Hillmen’s Association became imminent. The Association made its last appeal in 1941 with a petition to Lord Pethik Lawrence, Secretary of State for India, for a creation of a separate Chief Commissioner’s Province.

Two years later, 1943, the All India Gorkha League was formed by Dambarsingh Gurung. The Darjeeling unit of the Communist Party of India was also formed in the same year and surprisingly these communists also became members of the AIGL.

1944: The ELEVENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

There is a little known story of the next plea for a homeland and this was not addressed to the British government, despite India not having attained independence then. In Bhagirath Rawat’s Matoko Maya, 1982, page 32, we learn that when Mahatma Gandhi and M.M. Jinah came to Darjeeling, a deputation had met them and had demanded that the hills be separately treated else the hillmen would suffer in the fields of security and development. It appears that our forefathers had the common sense to realize who the next masters were going to be. The approach was correct but as in the previous cases the response was nothing short of indifference. In the following year (1945) the communists dissociated themselves from the AIGL. In this year the AIGL mouthpiece, a periodical called Gorkha mooted the idea of ‘Gorkhastan’ (Year 1, issue 12).

1947: The TWELFTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

In 1947 India was to become an independent nation but the hill people were far from being locally independent. In this year of our national independence the Communist Party of India (Darjeeling District Committee) made one of the most preposterous demands ever made by Communists. The Communist Party of India (Darjeeling District Committee) tendered a Memorandum to the Constituent Assembly (6 April 1947), addressed to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru (Vice-President of the Interim Government of India) and Liaquat Ali Khan (Finance Minister of the Interim Government of India and leader of Muslim League). The memorandum stated: “The Communist Party of India…demand, after making necessary revisions of the existing boundaries, the three contiguous areas of Darjeeling District, Southern Sikkim, and Nepal be formed into one single zone to be called ‘GORKHASTAN’.” Since Gorkhastan is not designated as a country it would technically fall under India. It sounds all very well but not when it comes out of the mouths of die-hard communists. The thought of robbing Sikkim of all its fertile lands and fleecing Nepal of its sovereignty is quite incomprehensible. The whole idea reeks of colonialism. Had the brainstorm come from capitalists, imperialists, and the bourgeois beasts it would have been understandable but what is even more surprising is that not a single enlightened communist criticized the memorandum. Whatever be the merit or demerit of the demand one can safely say that this was another demand for a separate homelamd. This was a period when the All India Gorkha League could have also voiced a demand for a separate homeland and with its huge following, possibly also uniting with the Communists, a strong point could have been made. It is unfortunate that the AIGL leadership was too busy with lesser causes to have a vision of the greater goal.

Even in those days the politicians had their own axe to grind but our litterateurs also proved to be no less and they commenced the verbal war of Gorkha versus Nepali. After decades it has settled to the language being designated Nepali and the community as Gorkha.

1948: The THIRTEENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland (1948)

After the death of Dambar Singh Gurung a shift in the thinking of the AIGL could be noticed. The new President of the All India Gorkha League, Nar Bahadur Gurung, wrote to the Prime Minister Pandit Nehru proposing three alternatives in regard to a separate homeland:

1. A Separate Administrative Unit under the Central Government.

2. A Separate Province comprising of Darjeeling district and neighbouring areas.

3. The district of Darjeeling with the Dooars be included in Assam

In this year the Territory of North East Frontier Agency (later Arunachal Pradesh) was formed and was placed under the administration of the Union Government. In 1972 it was declared a Union Territory and on February 20, 1987, it became a full-fledged state. It did not require dozens of petitions, years of peaceful struggle, violent agitation or a no non-cooperation movement for this to materialize. In this same year (15 April) Himachal Pradesh was declared a Centrally Administered territory and despite the State Reorganization Committee’s strong recommendation that Himachal Pradesh be merged with Punjab it still became a new state on 25 January 1971.

1949: The FOURTEENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

The Deputy Foreign Minister while on a visit to Sikkim was met by a delegation of the All India Gorkha League and a demand replacing the above one was made where a state consisting of the district of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Sikkim and Cooch Behar was suggested.

Post our independence the creation of a separate homeland became virtually impossible for amongst the policy makers was the tough man Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the first Deputy Prime Minister, who held very strong and racial views against us and our likes. His letter to Pandit Nehru, dated 7th July 1950 is quite unbelievable and racially slurred:

“All along the Himalayas in the north and northeast, we have on our side of the frontier, a population ethnologically and culturally different from Tibetans or Mongoloids. The undefined state of the frontier and existence on our side of a population with its affinities to Tibetans or Chinese have all the elements of potential trouble between China and ourselves…

Let us consider the political conditions on this potential troublesome frontier. Our northern or northeastern approaches consists of Nepal, Sikkim, Darjeeling and the Tribal areas of Assam. …The contact of these areas with us, is by no means, close and intimate. The people inhabiting these portions have no established loyalty or devotion to India. Even Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are not free from pro-Mongoloid prejudices.” (Emphasis added)

Can any leader say the same today?

1949: The FIFTEENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

With the misguided and prejudiced opinion of the second most powerful man in the nation what hopes could be entertained for a separate homeland! It is reasonable to presume a bit of that evil legacy still lingers on in Kolkata and New Delhi. Anyway, unknown of the above letter and the distrust nursed in the highest quarters of the country our ancestors kept on appealing and a fresh petition was submitted to the one person who would have never agreed to the demand, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

On 30th October 1949 various leaders of Darjeeling, Sikkim, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar met in Darjeeling and formed a bloc known as Uttar Khand Pradesh Sangh. This Sangh submitted a petition to Sardar Vallabhai Patel, pleading for the creation of a new state comprising of Darjeeling district, Sikkim, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Goalpara of Assam. With Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel firmly entrenched in Delhi what could be a better example of barking up the wrong tree. As expected, Sardar Patel opposed this demand tooth and nail and the movement lost its wind un the face of such a strong opposition.

1949: The SIXTEENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

Towards the end of the October of 1949 Dr. B.V. Keskar, the Deputy Foreign Minister, was in Sikkim, and the All India Gorkha League suggested that in an laternative to an earlier proposal to join Darjeeling to Assam a separate Province could be created with the District of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Sikkim and Cooch Behar.

1952: The SEVENTEENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

Prime Minister Pandit Nehru came to Darjeeling in 1952 and when he was in Kalimpong to visit the famous Dr. Graham’s Homes he was presented with an appeal by the All India Gorkha League seeking the formation of a North East Frontier Province.

Note: 1952 was the year when the FIRST demand for a statehood came up for Uttaranchal, a late starter by 45 years, we were already on our sixteenth demand for our own state. The first practical political party in the proposed Uttarkhand (Uttaranchal) came up only in 1979 (Uttarkhand Kranti Dal), 36 years younger to AIGL, and yet it was awarded statehood in 2000. In less than 50 years it became a state (the Congress and BJP gave support with the latter asking a name change to Uttaranchal) and Gorkhaland with a history of over a hundred years is yet to see the end of the tunnel. Sardar Patel was no more around to scuttle the proposal, so where did we go wrong?

1955: The EIGHTEENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

In 1953, 11 districts of Madras State were joined to form Andhra Pradesh. Two years later in 1955 the hills were fortunate to have the Chairman of the State Reorganization Committee on a visit to Darjeeling. The District Shramik Sangh submitted to him a memorandum where the President of the Sangh, Shri Daulatdas Bokhim stated that, “The Kochayas, Meches, Lepchas, Bhutias, Nepalis and Rajbanshis are the original inhabitants of this district whose customs,systems and traditions fundamentally differ from that of the rest of West Bengal. …I put forward this profound demand of the creation of a part ‘C’ State of North Bengal inclusive of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar districts…” The final outcome, a year later, was negative for the hills but for Andhra Pradesh the SRC recommended the addition of 9 districts of the former Nizam’s dominions and it was made a full-fledged state with Hyderbad as the capital. Madhya Pradesh also came into existence in the same year.

1955: The NINETEENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

It might be added here that up till now petitions/demands were put up by single organization or a single political party. In 1855 a more united forum placed an appeal before the State Reorganization Committee on behalf of the All Committee District Organization. The Secretary, Shri S.B. Ghosh, defined the areas of the new state to include Darjeeling district, Sikkim, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar.

1980: The TWENTIETH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

There is a period of relative inactivity as far as the demand for a state is concerned. It was a period when the All India Gorkha League dominated hill politics and the party was virtually an instrument of Deo Prakash Rai’s calls. Furthermore, the agitation for the recognition of the Nepali language seems to have sapped some of the energy and interest. There were also attention-diverting offers or suggestions like Autonomous Area, Regional Autonomy, Autonomous Administrative Set-Up etc.

But while all these were going on Nagaland became a state in 1961 and Meghalaya in 1972. In the background there were regrouping of forces and about the most active was the Prant Morcha (previously Prantiya Sanstha and in future Prant Parishad). Having garnered good support amongst the people it telegrammed the Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi: “Our long felt demand for a separate State Gorkhaland be carved out as soon as possible. Separate State only solution. We welcome our people from Assam to our own State Gorkhaland but not to be deported in other States. Gorkhaland always salutes to the national and your leadership.” Dated 23 April 1980.

1981: The TWENTY-FIRST DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

Now not to be outdone, the AIGL suddenly revived its old demand after a hibernation of 29 long years. The All India Gorkha League stated to Shri Zail Singh, Home Minister, during his visit to Darjeeling, that it “is very much relevant in our demand to get a Separate Statehood outside West Bengal to ensure administrative efficiency and convenience and coordination of economic development and welfare activities for this region.” This memorandum also included the causes leading to the increasing law and order problems, deforestation, neglected development and the need to include Nepali language in the 8th Schedule of the Constitution.

1982: The TWENTY-SECOND DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

By the time the 1980s were ushered in Prant Parishad was losing its appeal to the Gorkha National Liberation Front and eventually when the latter got the upper hand the Prant Parishad leaders were slighted, abused and threatened. Despite winds of popular support blowing in GNLF’s direction the President of the Prant Parishad, Shri Indrabahadur Rai, wrote to the Home Minister Shri Zail Singh, demanding a full fledged state: “We demand the formation of the State of Darjeeling comprising of the Nepali speaking regions North Bengal i.e., the Nepali speaking areas of the Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri districts.

…The Darjeeling Prant Parishad is of the opinion that nothing short of full-fledged statehood for Darjeeling and no other administrative scheme will ultimately found to be workable.” Dated 4the January 1982. Thus the 21st demand came to a close and soon Prant Parishad too was to become a closed chapter in the history of a search for a separate homeland.

1986: The TWENTY-THIRD DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

A widespread allegation was circulating in West Bengal, and not without truth, that the movement led by the GNLF had only hearts but no brains, since Subhash Ghising refused to take assistance of intellectuals and professionals. At this juncture, the more cerebral gentry of Darjeeling, calling themselves “educated and the professional hill people” petitioned the Prime Minister, Shri Rajiv Gandhi. These concerned people had come together as “Study Forum” and had such eminent people like Advocate B.K. Pradhan, Advocate Bal Dewan, Advocate Uttam Pradhan, Advocate D.K. Pradhan, Publisher-Printer Uday Mani Pradhan, MBA, Dr. Pinto C. Lama, Prof. Amar Rai, Prof. L.B. Rai, Prof. T.B. Chhetri, Sanitation expert Shri Gagan Gurung, internationally acclaimed bakery owner Shri J.B. Edwards, including social workers and luminaries like Shri Enos Das Pradhan, Shri Lee Pradhan, Shri L.B. Rai, Shri Ratan Mothey, and Shri Deep Waiba. Their petition of 31st August 1986 is a long document but just one paragraph will be quoted which more or less sums up the whole: “The demand is an expression of the belief in the best democratic tradition that the right to a state within the Indian Union is an inalienable right. It is therefore not a matter of acceding to the demand condescendingly but giving what is rightfully ours.”

This petition slightly blunted the allegations mentioned above but I have a strong feeling that the intelligentsia was doing this more for the love of the land than any respect or affection for the leader, Subhash Ghising. By now the hills were gripped with violence. For 85 years the hillmen had tolerantly accepted one rejection after another. The highlanders had endured police firing at Rohini Tea Garden (1949), another firing at Magaret’s Hope Tea Estate (1955), evictions at Rangli-Rangliot Tea Estate, and even the uncalled for killing of 6 people at Kurseong on 25th May 1986. Patience and tolerance was stretched taut and it just needed one more needless provocation and matters would come to a head. On 27 July 1986 the whole district took part in burning the Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950. No one quite sees anything illegal in a simple act as burning of a Treaty but the administration responded by meeting the demonstrators with a hail of bullets in Kalimpong leaving behind 13 dead and about 50 injured. The hills erupted.

1986 The TWENTY-FOURTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

I would like to include the entire movement, but more specifically the record-shattering 40 days continuous strike as well as the huge list of martyrs, under the GNLF, as the TWENTY-FOURTH demand for a separate homeland. The importance of the whole exercise is that it now became violence for violence and most of the time it was difficult to point out who initiated the carnage. It proved to West Bengal and to the Centre that the highlanders were capable of extreme violence too. The hillmen claim 1200 of them were martyred and what can be a stronger, a more emphatic demand than hundreds of people sacrificing their lives for a separate homeland.

This demand and movement eventually fell victim to an agreement that resulted in Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. Subhas Ghising agreed to ‘drop’ the demand for a homeland. The clarion call from Subhas Ghising had been “Do or Die” and the final outcome was Ghising did not ‘do’ and many people did ‘die’. All these years the Central Government and the State Government had disappointed the hills and there was now someone within to disappoint the highlanders. No wonder the West Bengal government always treated Subhas Ghising with velvet gloves.

1986: The TWENTY-FIFTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

West Bengal Assembly elections had just been completed on 23rd March 1987 and the hills had unanimously registered support for Gorkhaland by sending back empty ballot boxes: 129 empty boxes out of 154 in Darjeeling constituency, 147 empty out of 156 in Kalimpong, 151 empty out of 170 in Kurseong, 151 empty out of 170 in Mirik and even Dooars sent 10 empty ballot boxes. On 13th March 1987 the GNLF wrote to the Home Minister, Shri Buta Singh, that this was as good as a referendum in favour of a state outside West Bengal and demanded “a separate State of Gorkhaland within the framework of the Indian Constitution.” A copy of the demand was also dispatched to the Prime Minister, Shri Rajiv Gandhi. What could have been a more emphatic non-violent protest and demand than this! Nevertheless, the state and the Centre remained unmoved.

The question on everyone’s mind was when will a full-scale and no-holds-barred agitation commence since sporadic acts of violence were being reported from different parts of the district.

The TWENTY-SIXTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

The ongoing demand for a separate homeland under the banner of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha and the leadership of Shri Bimal Gurung has now become the TWENTY-SIXTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland. So far it has ducked off any major violent move, despite the occasional provocations, and if this brings about the desired results all the better for us and for West Bengal.

The TWENTY-SEVENTH DEMAND for a Separate Homeland

We hope it will not come to this but…

[1] The Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909: The most important change in the Morley-Minto Reforms was the provision that qualified Indians would have a greater voice in deciding public questions. Thus one seat in the Governor-General’s Executive Council was reserved for an Indian member (Satyendra Prasanna Sinha, later Lord Sinha of Raipur, was appointed Law Member of the Governor-General’s Council, the first Indian to be so honoured.) The number of members in the Central Legislature was raised from sixteen to sixty and in the Provincial Legislative Councils the number of members was raised to fifty in the major provinces. The non-nominated members were to be elected by groups of local bodies, landholders, trade associations and universities. Darjeeling district and Dooars did not fit into any of these categories.

[7] The Act of 1935 proposed Provincial Autonomy. It also created Sind, separating it from Bombay and Orissa Presidencies, Burma was separated from British India and Aden also ceased to be a part of India.

A Case for Gorkhaland, the socio-economic perspective
By Udaya Mani Pradhan

Why Gorkhaland?

India’s tryst with destiny began at the stroke of midnight on 15th August 1947. It ushered in a new era wherein the belief that everyone is born free and has a right to fulfill one-self in human dignity was no longer a myth.

The framers of the Indian Constitution in their collective wisdom drafted Article 3 enshrined in which is the recognition of the fact that every community with different cultural and linguistic background has the inherent right to self determination, and to develop itself according to its own ETHOS thereby enriching the cultural heritage of the community and enhancing its integration in the national mainstream. But little did they realise that for the Gorkhas living in the Darjeeling, Dooars and the Terai region of North Bengal, the dawn of freedom was just a dream too far. It was only a change in the Colonial masters – from the British to the Bengal Raj – where exploitation and subjugation was many-fold worse than before.

The contribution of the Indian Gorkhas in the making of a New India can never be undermined. The blood, sweat and sacrifice – be it in safeguarding the security and integrity of the frontiers or in maintaining peace and harmony in strife torn towns are forever etched in the history of the nation.

However, time and again, the Indian Gorkhas have been labeled by national as well as regional political leaders as foreigner immigrants, secessionists and also as refugees. The very identity of the community is being questioned. In the presence of such a strong undercurrent, the ONLY solution is the creation of the state of GORKHALAND, within the Indian Union.

The demand for Gorkhaland is a corollary to the natural democratic process in India. In this demand is contained the aspirations of the community and its quest for the Right to Self Determination.

The issue confronting us is not a question of Development as envisaged by the Bengal Government. Economic packages and financial considerations – no matter how lucrative – are merely carrots being dangled before us with the intention of distracting us from our ultimate goal – Self Governance.

SELF GOVERNANCE – THE ONLY PATH TO SELF RELIANCE

It is only through self governance that sustainable development can take place. Development in the true sense of the term is not merely a creation of social capital by constructing roads, bridges and buildings. The most essential ingredient is PARTICIPATION of the people in determining its own priorities and actualizing felt needs. It is based on understanding the Ethos of the people. Development does not imply a situation where people are mere recipients. This is Charity and we are not beggars seeking alms.

We must be empowered to determine our fundamentally basic felt needs and on the basis of which Priorities, Plan, Budget, Finance, Execute and Administer ALL BY OUR-SELVES. We must have the authority to do what we think is the best for us. It must be remembered that responsibility without authority is meaningless. And PARTICIPATION denied is Development denied.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC VIABILITY OF GORKHALAND

Sitting in its own ivory tower, the Writers Building, the Government of Bengal has been devising plans to address the developmental issues of the hills and after 61 years of governance what do we find?

- No Vision Statement has been ever charted for this region.

- There has never been a Master plan containing Programmes, Plans and Policies so fundamental to the development process of a place. A Master plan is a route map devised to incorporate Short Term, Mid Term and Long Term strategies with the concurrence of local experts.

- Where are the documents such as Economic Reviews, Statistical Handbooks, Plans for the region, Budgetary allocation records and the relevant data bank so vital for any planning?

- There is complete absence of an integrated planning approach. Analysis of Annual plans, assessment of potential sectors, feedback and incorporation of findings in the subsequent plans are unheard of in our part of the country.

The Bengal Government has failed to deliver through its total insincerity and apathy to this area. Once we have Gorkhaland we will transform the state to one of the richest and most viable states in the Indian Union. After all, we have the expertise in our midst, we have our pulse is on what concerns us, and above all, we have the resources that will catapult GORKHALAND into a Model State of the country.

RESOURCES – MISMANAGED BY THE BENGAL GOVERNMENT

In order to highlight the economic viability of this region it is important to put the efforts of the Bengal Government (or rather the lack of it) in the right perspective.

TEA

Introduced by the British 168 years ago, Darjeeling Tea is a Super Brand in the International market, thanks to the blood, sweat and tears of the Gorkhas providing one of the most crucial factors of production – man power. However, the utter indifference of the Bengal Government towards the only industry of this region has resulted in the dwindling of the number of Tea gardens from 90 to 76. The workers live in the most deplorable conditions, with the daily wages for an eight hour labour being Rs 53.90. Compare this with the daily wages in tea gardens in Kerala (Rs. 70/-), Tamilnadu (Rs 78/-) and neighbouring Sikkim (Rs 88/-) and the picture is self evident. Darjeeling tea – the Champagne of Teas – must be the only Superbrand where the most important factor of production, the labour force, is leading an abysmal quality of life in abject poverty.

The increasing tendency to recruit people from outside for managerial and executive posts leaving the menial jobs to the hill people reeks of discrimination. The Bengal Government has never tried to alleviate the aspirations of the young generation of the hills by establishing a link between them and the so called biggest industry. In fact, the Tocklai Tea Research Centre and the Tea research Laboratory in Kurseong bear no significance to the people from the hills.

Moreover, practically each and every garden has its head office outside the hills. Consequently, opportunities and facilities arising there from never percolate down to the people whose blood and sweat have made the industry what it is today. Even the Tea Auction centers at Siliguri and Jalpaiguri are like white elephants for the hill people.

Hence, it can be said with conviction that the Tea industry has no definitive bearing in the economy of the region besides providing disguised employment. With the companies shying away from their social responsibilities, it is a bane rather than a boon.

But the bottom line is that Darjeeling tea fetches millions of dollars to the Government in the form of foreign exchange and forms a major source of revenue.

Properly managed and marketed, the tea industry made up of the gardens of Darjeeling and Dooars will combine to form the prime economic backbone of Gorkhaland.

TOURISM

Under the accelerated Hill Development Programme, Plans and Strategies launched in 1973-74, development of infrastructure to boost Tourism was drawn up. 35 years since its inception a cursory glance at the basic infrastructure such as roads, water, fundamental health facilities, electricity, communication and public transport tells a sad tale of its own.

Darjeeling with all its shortcomings is still a haven for tourists both domestic and foreign. Imagine the possibilities with a reinvented Darjeeling!

Although the Bengal Government refers to Darjeeling as its ‘Crown’ it has made no effort whatsoever to promote Darjeeling as a destination. The brochures published by the West Bengal Tourist Bureau are drab and usually outdated (compare this with the way Sundarbans is being promoted and the step motherly treatment becomes obvious.) The lodges maintained by the WBTDC and the reservation policies are inadequate for a destination of international repute, yet the government is oblivious to the needs of the place.

In spite of its lackadaisical attitude it is the Government that stands to benefit in terms of revenue generated by the hundreds of thousands streaming into Darjeeling month after month.

Once the state of Gorkhaland becomes a reality we shall re-crown the ‘Queen of the Hills’ and then open our arms to all to be our guest on the Paradise of Earth.

TIMBER

The Darjeeling hills once upon a time, could boast of a rich and vibrant forest cover which was an environmentalist’s delight. But avarice personified by the West Bengal Forest Development Corporation formed in 1971 (ironically to develop the forest as the name suggests) denuded the hills of its finery. And when the dense forest of the hills vanished so did the WBFDC after killing the golden goose and plundering the hills of 38 thousand crores during its decade long existence. Properly managed, this too can still be one of the main pillars of the region’s economy, all that is required is for the mantel to pass on to the rightful owners.

TEACHING (Education)

This region has been the prime education destination in the country since 1846. If these institutions still rub shoulders with the best in the country it is purely due to their own initiative. The Government’s contribution draws a woeful cipher.

Higher education for professional courses and vocational training centres are areas which have been neglected the most by the Government and this has resulted in mounting unemployment – the perfect breeding ground for frustrated youth resorting to anti-social outlets. The pleas for providing quotas in Medical, Engineering and Management Institutes have been conveniently bypassed and the crying need for the establishment of a Central Hill University has fallen on deaf ears. There is surely a sinistrous design behind this. After all, isn’t educational emancipation a threat to Colonial suppression?

The State of Gorkhaland will give birth to a self sustainable education system which will be a product of integrated development and also become a financial boon to the coffers of the new state.

TOY TRAIN

This piece of engineering marvel does precious little to supplement the economy of the place predominantly owning to the Government’s lack of vision and the clever manipulation of excluding local stakeholders in the planning process. Despite the fact that it is a massive drain in the Government’s exchequer, it still chugs along incurring huge losses. If it had not been for the efforts of lovers of Darjeeling it would not have found a place in UNESCO’s World Heritage site. Given its potential it can be transformed to a most viable business proposition, but then who is there to feel for the ‘Tiny’ which is such an integral part of the local folklore?

The state of Gorkhaland is waiting impatiently to rewrite its role.

HYDEL POWER POTENTIAL

Darjeeling boasts of the oldest Hydel Power station in Asia. The Sidrabong Hydel Power Station was established in 1897, long before the Japanese and Koreans discovered wealth in their water reserves. Darjeeling town was richly illuminated, come rain or storm, until the west Bengal State Electricity Board took over. With the REVERSE ‘Midas Touch’ the fairy tale town faded into inevitable darkness.

The Rammam hydel project designed to produce 300 MW of power is churning out a meager 50 MW that too 25 years after it was commissioned. (The Chukha Hydel project started around the same time is producing 10 times more electricity). What is even more devastating is the fact that the power is taken to the North Bengal Switch Yard 240 kms away and the hills folks freeze in the cold wintry days deprived of heater connections.

The NHPC projects harnessing Teesta at 27the Mile, Kalijhora and Mungpoo envisage a projected capacity of 130 MW 110 MW and 340 MW respectively. What is going to be our share is anybody’s guess.

This will constitute the new State’s major revenue earning source in the forthcoming years.

CINCHONA PLANTATION

Set up in 1865, the cinchona plantation is another example of the perfect amalgamation of British entrepreneurship and Gorkha work force. In 1948, the Bengal Government earned Rupees 30 lakhs from quinine alone. In 1984-85 the revenue was 2.43 crores according to the Government’s own admission. Then why is it now a sick industry? It is because the policy, management and sale rests solely with the Writer’s Building whose indifference is the primary cause for its untimely demise.

OTHERS

Tremendous untapped potential exists in the following areas – Agro horticulture products, animal husbandry, poultry farming, pisciculture, sericulture, cultivation of mushroom, orange orchards, spices especially cardamom, beekeeping, fruit processing plants, extraction of oil from ginger and cardamom, cane and bamboo furniture, small scale and cottage industries, handmade paper factories, local handicraft manufacturing units, carpet weaving and manufacturing units etc. All this will be specifically incorporated in the Blueprint for Economic Viability of the new state.

CONCLUSION

Sixty one years of suppression and deprivation when the rest of the communities in the country are reaping the fruits of Freedom have taken its logical toll on the Gorkhas. The writings on the wall are evident for those to choose to see. There is only one solution to alleviate the people from its deep sense of insecurity and also actualize the seemingly infinite potential of the region. The answers to both lie singularly in one practical move and that is the creation of the state of GORKHALAND.

Courtesy: Mr. Udaya Mani Pradhan

Dear Readers,

Dr. Sonam Wangyal gave a presentation in the seminar organized by the Kurseong chapter of the Gorkha Janamukti Secondary Teachers’ Association on 12th July 2008. He has been kind enough to share this paper with us.

In this paper Dr. Wangyal has researched and studied our history like no one has done before, and has presented his exceptional findings in his inimitable story telling style.

This is priceless… A treasure trove of historical information, facts and analyses presented to us in this most user-friendly, accessible and approachable manner.

This is a must read for everyone.

Thank you Dr. Wangyal,

-Admin

p.s. I have taken the liberty of (roughly) translating some of Dr. Wangyal’s Nepali text, where it may appear necessary, for the benefit of our non-nepali speaking readership.

History of Darjeeling

Paper read on 12th July 2008 in the seminar organized by Gorkha Janamukti Secondary Teachers Association, Kurseong Chapter, At Gorkha Library

-Dr. Sonam B Wangyal

Namastay, Nomoshkar, Khamri, Kuzo-zangbo, Tashi Deleg and Good Morning Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to express my hearty congratulations to the members of the Gorkha Janamukti Secondary Teachers’ Association for holding this seminar and inviting me to say a few words.

I will be reading this paper in English, not because I cannot read, write or speak in Nepali but because I can do it better in English. Ho, Nepalima yo paper parayko bha ajja mitho ra suwaudo hunay thiyo. Ma chhama chanhanchhu. Tara yuddama jasari jun hatiyar chalaunu subista hunchha tyahi chainchha yaha malai Angrezi mero subhistako hatiyaar ho jasto laagchha. (Yes, it would have been more appropriate and sweeter if this paper was read in Nepali. My apologies. But in war, it is necessary to wield the most apt of weapons, and I feel that for me English is that weapon.) When I was a schoolboy about 40 years ago my school Dr. Graham’s Homes, Kalimpong, did not have a Nepali Master. It was in my Senior Cambridge year that Mr Loben Lama was appointed to that post. So with just one solitary single year of Nepali classes I sat for the Senior Cambridge in 1968. My answer script was a total disaster, khatam bhanda pani khatam thiyo, but when the results came: I had passed with the skin of my tooth: junday ra pass bhayechha, actually examinerko daya amayalay malai pass garai diyekoho jasto laagchha (Actually it was probably due to the kind heartedness of the examiner that I passed). So that is my Nepali education, and now at this age I am learning the finer nuances of the language, the basics of grammar and I hope in a year or two things will change.

My paper relates to the history of Darjeeling but it will not touch on the tea and cinchona industries, it will avoid development of education, local self government and I will not even touch upon the thirteen or fourteen times we have petitioned for a homeland of their own. But before I commence I would just like to state that 1907 petition for a separate homeland is the oldest, the senior-most of its kind in India. Ek saya barsa katyo, tyo demandko chhora-chhori, naati, panatiharulay pani statehood paisakyo tara hami aaja pani banchit chou (A hundred years have passed, and statehood has been achieved by demand that came generations and generations after our original demand, but we are still left wanting). Anyway this paper will keep track of the early history of Darjeeling, its incorporation into the East India Company or the British Empire and the paper will end at when Darjeeling is joined to Bengal.

(1) THE THREE COMMUNITIES: BHUTIAS, GORKHAS & LEPCHAS

The history of Darjeeling has intimate relationship, nang ra masuko jasto, to the history of Sikkim, Nepal, Bhutan, and the East India Company and thereby to Britain. It will be appropriate to start from Kharsang for it was here that Maharajah Thodup Namgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma were imprisoned. jailed, locked up by the British and it was here that they wrote a historical book on Sikkim. It was translated into English by Kazi Daosamdup and he called it History of Sikkim. I have a copy of this rare document and therefore I will be extensively, freely and purposely quoting from it. In the manuscript the boundaries of Sikkim is defined as follows: “They were Dibdala in the North, Shingsa Dag-pay, Walung, Yangmak, Khangchen, Yarlung and Timar Chorten in the West, down along Arun and Dud Kosi Rivers, down to Maha Nodi, Nuxalbari, Titalia in the South. On the East Tagong La, and Tang La on the North.” These boundaries were defined after the enthronement, coronation, the appointment of the first Chogyal of Sikkim, Phuntshog Namgyal, 1642 CE. The first things the new ruler did was to construct forts called dzongs which operated as the military and administrative units. To these dzongs he appointed dzongpens, or fort masters, the local administrators or chiefs and they were all Lepchas, thus the Lepchas were appeased, made happy, made content. But that left out the Limbus and the Magars. The Magars staunchly resisted Bhutia incursion and political domination, and they actually went to war against the new rulers. The fact that the Magars were pretty well organized can be assessed from the forts they built which the ruling community in Sikkim called them Magar-dzongs. Eventually, the Magars lost and a large part of them got pushed westwards. As far as the Limbus were concerned the Chogyal made a pact called Lho-mon-tsong-sum (lho-Bhutias, mon-Lepchas, tsong-Limbus, and sum-three), thus giving us the Bhutia-Lepcha-Limbu trinity.

Now what importance this patch of history has for us vis-à-vis the present political scenario!
(1) The boundaries demarcated clearly shows that Darjeeling, Kharsang, Kalimpong and Siliguri were all in Sikkim and that the kingdom stretched all the way to Purnea in the south.
(2) The Gorkha population was in sufficient numbers to wage a war against Sikkim, as in the case of Magars, and large enough for the Chogyal to seek allegiance (Lho-mon-tsong-sum), as in the case of the Limbus.
And
(3) This is the most significant of the points mentioned so far: that the Maharajah’s History of Sikkim makes it absolutely certain that the Gorkhas were in the region even before the creation of Sikkim yaneki Sikkimko shristi, janma, sthapana bhanda dherai aghi dekhi nai hamro paharma Gorkhaharu thiyay.

(2) SIKKIM LOSES KALIMPONG

Tensung Namgyal became the next Chogyal (1670). Most historians, looking for wars, coups, assassinations, and political intrigues insult and degrade his reign claiming nothing important or interesting happened. Actually something very important had happened. He married three times. History of Sikkim states that his first wife, Nambi Ongmu, was from Bhutan, and she gave birth to a daughter, Pande Ongmu. The second was from Tibet and she gave birth to a son, Chagdor Namgyal. The third Rani was the daughter of a Limbu chief named Yong-Yong Hang. The royal History also says that along with the daughter of Yong-Yong Hang seven other Limbu ladies got married to “highest kazis and ministers of Sikkim.” When Tensung Namgyal died the daughter of the Bhutanese Rani staked her claim to the Sikkim gaddhi (throne), after all, the male contender, Chagdor Namgyal, was a minor and she was an adult besides she was also the child of the first queen. The princess sought the help of the Bhutanese who willingly obliged. Pande Ongmuko gaddhiko loblay garda Bhutanlay auta sunowlo mouka paayay. Ani Dukpaharu Sikkim pasay. Balak raja ra mantriharu jyan bachuna Bhot tira suikucha thokay (Because of Pande Ongmu’s greed for the throne Bhutan got a golden opportunity and entered Sikkim. The child-king and his ministers escaped to Tibet in fear of their lives). In 1707 the Bhutanese withdrew but retained all Sikkimese territories to the east of the Tista River whereby our present day Kalimpong became a part of Bhutan.

Now let us go back to this portion of the history.
(1) Tensung Namgyal by marrying daughters of important people indirectly purchased peace for Sikkim, after all uttarpatti haray ta Bhotko juwai sahib, paschim tira haray ta Limbu haruko juwai, ani Purba haray ta Bhutan ko juwai. Sikkimlai kaslay chai akraman garnay. So, kinachai Sikkimma shanty na hunu ra. (To the north, Tibetan in-laws; to the west, Limbu in-laws; to the east, Bhutanese in-laws. Who would dare attack Sikkim? And hence the peace in Sikkim). Taraipani (Nonetheless) it is ironic that historians still ignore and even refuse to give him credit for winning …. peace.
(2) It is said that too many cooks spoil the broth and Maharaha Tensung had two wives too many and Sikkim paid for it dearly.
(3) It is most probable that Limbus were not too happy with the prevailing sutuation, despite the lho-mon-tsong-sum pact. Therefore besides making a Limbuni a Rani of Sikkim seven other ladies were also taken as wives by highest kazis and ministers of Sikkim.
And finally,
(4) Most people think that Kalimpong originally belonged to Bhutan but we now know that it was originally a part of Sikkim. Chotkarima, Kalaybung Sikkim bata Bhutanlay gavayko ani Bhutan bata Angrejlay pach pareko ho (Bhutan took Kalimpong from Sikkim, and subsequently the British took Kalimpong from Bhutan).

(3) ANGLO-NEPAL WAR

Now we move on to the 6th Chogyal, Tenzing Namgyal who ascended the Sikkimese throne in 1780. His reign was punctuated, interrupted and disturbed with skirmishes and battles with the Gorkhas. Then there was a period of lull and quiet and the Gorkhas used this period of calm and peace to launch a surprise attack. Sikkimese were completely taken aback by the sudden shock raids. Purna Ale led a group of Gorkhas who came through Ilam and penetrated as far as Reling, Karmi, and Chakung (1788). Another Gorkha force under the command of Johar Singh stealthily advanced through the Singalila and in a complete surprise swoop took over the palace at Rabdentse: Yaspali pani Raja, praja ani mantriharulay taap kasay, tara Bhot tira hoina, kholsa, orar, gufa, khola-nadiko bagar ani junglema sharan lina pugay. History of Sikkim mentions, “Thus the Gurkhas remained masters of Sikkim, beyond the Teesta, while the Raja took flight and all Sikkimites were compelled to take refuge in the valleys of the rivers, hills and caves, suffering privations and hardship.” In 1790 Chogyal left his hiding and went to Tibet where he died three years later, and a boy of 12 years, Tsugphud Namgyal, was proclaimed the new Maharaja. It was during Tsugphud’s kingship that the Anglo-Nepal war broke out. The British eventually challenged the Gorkhas through a five pronged attack and Sikkim sided with the British.

We must pause here to reflect on a few points.
(1) Prithwinarayan Shah never wanted to attack Sikkim for the fear it might open up a fresh frontier of war with Tibet. However, the 1788 Gorkha move to penetrate deep into Sikkim signifies that the Gorkhas had grown confident enough to handle Sikkim and withstand a Tibetan attack.
(2) The Gorkhas did not bother the Sikkimese hiding in the ravines, jungles and caves as long as the strategic posts like Rabdentse, Dorje-ling and Na-gri were secure.
(3) Alliance with the British was the only hope for the Sikkim ruler to regain his lost territories and so he sided with the British. At the same time the British accepted Sikkim’s gesture because (a) in the five-pronged British attack the eastern front was the weakest and Sikkim’s assistance would offset that disadvantage to some extent. (b) With Sikkim as an ally any future alliance/intrigues between Nepal and Bhutan could be checked. And (c) It promised a possibility of trade with Tibet through Sikkim. After all East India Company was a trading company, the biggest ever in history.

(4) DISCOVERY OF DARJEELING

After the war the British restored to the Sikkim Maharaja the lands between Mechi and Tista Rivers through the treaty of Titalya. This treaty has nine functional Articles and the tenth one is just a protocol fulfillment. The first and the last operative or functional articles talk about restoring to Sikkim in ­full sovereignty and of the Company’s guarantee to the Raja and his successors the full and peaceable possession of the tract. Each and every other Article in between took away from Sikkim, piece by piece, the basic entitlements of sovereignty, independence and freedom to function as an absolute nation. What became important to Darjeeling’s history was Article Three which required, stipulated and stated that Sikkim was “to refer to the arbitration of the British Government any dispute or questions that may arise between his (i.e. Chogyal’s) subjects and those of Nepal, or any other neighbouring State, and to abide by the decision of the British Government.” This Article Three became operational when the Chogyal asked the East India Company to arbitrate on the Ontoo Dara dispute because both Sikkim and Nepal claimed the dara as its own. So as per the stipulation of Article Three Captain George Alymer Lloyd and J. W. Grant, the Commercial resident at Malda, were deputed to investigate and resolve the matter. It was on the journey to Ontoo Dara that the two men, in February 1829, stayed at Darjeeling for six days at “the old Goorka station called Dorjeling” and were “much impressed with the possibility of the station as a sanatarium.” On 18 June 1829 Lloyd communicated to the government regarding the possibility of Darjeeling serving as a sanatarium while about the same time Grant also urged the government to possess the tract.

Now reflecting upon this chapter of history we note the following
(1) The British kept their word and gave back to the Chogyal the lands between Mechi and Tista rivers.
(2) This transfer of land was effected through the Treaty of Titalya in which the beginning and the end of the treaty were sugarcoated to make the Sikkimese happy. In between the British squeezed out much more than what they had given. Angrejlay gulchay khaylyo (The British did not play fair).
And finally,
(3) A future Hill Station had been discovered by Lloyd and Grant and that hill station was called Dorje-ling and later as Darjeeling.

(5) DARJEELING BECOMES PART OF BRITISH INDIA

Lord William Bentinck, in June of 1830, proposed to commence negotiation with the Chogyal but this and another subsequent attempt were both struck down, stopped, by Sir C. Metcalfe, a Member of the Supreme Council, on the grounds that the neighbours might look at it with suspicion. Bentinck waited for almost four years and then ordered Major Lloyd to meet the Chogyal and negotiate the cession of Darjeeling “offering such equivalent either in land or money.” To cut short the story Lloyd conveyed the Governor-General’s message while the Chogyal placed three conditions viz (i) The Chogyal would quote a price and that should be paid, (ii) Sikkims border would be extended and (iii) Kummoo Pradhan, the tax collector who had fled to Nepal would be brought to Sikkim for execution of justice. What happened in between is rather vague but in a later meeting the Chogyal gave a short deed of grant. Since it did not define the boundaries of the land to be handed over, Lloyd produced his own deed on which the king stamped his lal mohar (Royal Seal). The area defined in this deed became known as the Darjeeling tract and the British claimed it as their new asset. They were under the impression that the grant was unconditional but the Chogyal kept on complaining/ that he had not been compensated, in other words the grant was conditional. It might interest this august house to know that the original negotiation was to be only for the area of present-day Darjeeling town, i.e. the Observatory Hill and the surroundings, but in the stamped deed the area was, about 30 miles long from top to bottom and about six to ten miles along the sides. Now, when the sahibs began building roads and houses the Chogyal began to protest, and with the progress of development the protests grew stronger and louder. Eventually when the Company realized that the Chogyal had been wronged they sent a compensation consisting of:

One double-barrelled gun, a rifle, 20 yards of red broad cloth and two shawls.

Yeshlai bhancha asal helchyakrai: besharam Angrejlay andaaz 240 barga mile jaminko sattako laagi duiwata bundook, ek than luga ani duiwata shawl kun hisablay diyeko hola. Yo hamilay Gorkhaland mangda DGHC diyeko jastai ho, abha aeuta “Chhakka” Schedule pani dinchhu bhandaichha. (This is the real injustice. By which calculation did the English exchange approximately 240 sq. miles of land for two guns, some cloth and two shawls. This is like getting DGHC when demanding Gorkhaland, and now they say they’ll give us the Sixth Schedule as well) The Chogyal’s pleadings for a just compensation now grew even louder. Eventually the Sikkim ruler threw a devastating bomb, in the form of a letter, to Campbell, who had now taken over from Lloyd as the First Superintendent of the Darjeeling tract. The letter still exists and it claimed in no uncertain words that his three conditions had been accepted by Lloyd. The following is a part of the letter: “Lloyd promised that whatever money I should desire in return should be granted, that my territory should be extended the west to the Tambar River; that Kummoo Pradhan and his brother be delivered to me; and that the deficit in my revenue in their hands should be made good.” The East India Company hurriedly offered a compensation of Rs 3,000 per annum which the ruler accepted with certain amount of displeasure. Nevertheless, the British now knew that the deed that they possessed, and the land they had acquired, were suspect, subject to questioning or of doubtful legality and that history would not treat it kindly. Another important fact that they realized was that the tract granted by the Maharaja was totally surrounded by Sikkimese territory and the approach road they were making was illegal because it went through Sikkim. The Chogyal could technically prohibit the British to make the road or even disallow them to pass through his Sikkim. Now with a suspect deed of grant and access to Darjeeling being only through Sikkimese soil the situation was not good at all. Something had to be done.

In examining the just mentioned episodes we find that:
(1) The deed of grant of Darjeeling could not become operative since the British had not met the conditions laid down by the Chogyal. Meet garnu saknay awastha panita thiyayna. Kummo Pradhan Nepalma guhar liyayra basako thiyo ani Angrez-Nepal majha kunai extradition treaty thiyayna. Chogyallay Sikkimko simana Tambar kholasamma baraidinay dawa rakheko thiyo tara tyo chhetra Sugauli Sandhima Nepallai deisakeko thiyo. (They were in no condition to meet the conditions. Kummo Pradhan had taken refuge in Nepal, and there was no extradition treaty between the British and Nepal. The Sikkim Chogyal had demanded the extension of Sikkim;s border till Tambar River, but that area had already been given to Nepal with the Sugauli Treaty). Therefore these two conditions were impossible to meet and so the treaty was in effect invalid.
(2) The best thing to do would have been to return Darjeeling tract to Sikkim. It was not done so because: three reasons (a) a lot of money had already been spent on the construction of the road, houses and staging posts, (b) a large number of Darjeeling plots had already been sold off, in Calcutta, and most of the buyers were men of money, matter and political muscle (c) the British desperately needed Darjeeling. Before Darjeeling was discovered the Himalayan region had Shimla, Chail and Mussoorie as hill stations serving the Europeans in North India, Central India had Mount Abu and Hazaribagh, South India had Mandapalle, Bangalore, Kotagiri, Ooty, and Kodaikanal, West India had Purandha and Mahabalshwar but Eastern India had no hill station. When Cherrapunji was taken over in 1829 the British thought they had that much sought after hill station but Cherra was the world’s rainiest place and all hopes got literally washed away. Shillong was a close option but the Khasis refused to surrender, they were giving the British a hard time. So, every officer in India could rush off to their own hill station be he from North, south, west or central India, but the capital of India, the second city of the British empire, had nowhere to go to. Imagine the frustration, imagine the embarrassment, and imagine the desperation and you can imagine why the British would not give back Darjeeling.
Finally,
(3) The Chogyal had in good faith blindly put his seal on the document produced by Lloyd. Yaha auta sanu kura bhannu chha. Lloyd chalak manchay thiyo. Uslay pesh gareko dalil Lapchay bhasama thiyo tara Raja thiyo Bhotay. Parnay echchha bhayetapani parnu nasaknay. So, Saheblay kinachai chhal-kapat garchha hola bhannay biswasma Sikkimpatti Maharajalay lalmohor thoki baakshinu bhayo. (There is something that has to be mentioned here. Lloyd was a shrewd individual. The document that was prepared was in the Lepcha language but the King/Chogyal spoke Tibetan. Even if the Chogyal wanted to read the document, he couldn’t have. So why did the Chogyal, in good faith, put his seal on the document!)

(6) ANNEXATION OF DARJEELING

Yes, now the only option left for the British was to militarily annex the areas south of the Rumman and Rungit Rivers and thereby get free access to the tract and also make the deed of grant a document of no importance, because Darjeeling would now be British through military victory and not because the Maharaja had granted it. The opportunity to strike at Sikkim came when Joseph Dalton Hooker, a botanist, and Campbell were arrested in Sikkim. Sikkim claimed that their entry was illegal and the British claimed that the Chogyal had issued them entry permits. Over this issue the British troops marched into Sikkim. Campbell and his soldiers crossed the Rangit River and stayed for several weeks along the northern bank. Sikkim did not contest and the troops returned and the British announced to the villagers that the area was now a property of the British government. This annexed area consisted of the Sikkim terai, and hill areas south of the Rumman Nadi, west of the Bara Rangit and Tista rivers and the hills to the east of the Nepal frontier.

Yaha auta thulo prashna aucha, question chha: Kay Hookerkoma Chogyallay diyeko permit sachinai thiyo ra? Permit raheko bhayay Sikkimko sarkari karmachari harulai kina dekhaunu sakena ya dekhayayna? Hamro paharko bisaya liyera Hooker saheblay dui wata moto moto kitabharu lekhnu bhayo jaha gumbako, phoolko, padam baas etyadiko assi wata jasto chitra chha tara tyo mahatapurna permitko kunai chitra chhaina. Permit nai thiyena bhanay chitra kaha bata chhapaunay. (Here arises an important question: Did Hooker actually have a permit issued by the Chogyal? If he did have the permit, why could he not, or why did he not produce it to the Sikkim authorities? Hooker has written two thick tomes based on the hills, with about eighty pictures of monasteries and flora and fauna etc., but no pictures of that royal document. How could he print a picture if he didn’t have the document?) In 1983, 135 years after his arrest there was great excitement in England because some hand written manuscript in vernacular was found amongst some old papers of Sir Joseph Hooker. Could they be the permit issued by the Maharajah of Sikkim? Unable to read the script Xerox of the same was sent to my teacher and friend, the world famous linguist, Professor Richard Keith Sprigg. Eeesh, pramaan chha bhanna lai Angrez haru tayar bha-ay. (The English were all prepared to produce the proof!) Professor Sprigg had to inform his fellow Englishmen that the papers were not the permit but the accounts of daily purchases and other expenses. Tyo kaagzharu ta Hooker sahibko baidarbabulay prati dinko kharcha, samanko daam etyadi, Lepcha lipima lekhekopo raicha. Angrez haru aja pani praman khojdai chha bhanchha. Khojos! Paunay kaha bata! (Those papers were just daily accounts of provisions and expenses kept by Hooker’s assistants, in the Lepcha script. It is said that the English are, to this day, looking for the proof. Let them search! Where will they find it?)

(7) DARJEELING PUSHED INTO BENGAL

The present-day sub-division of Kalimpong along with the Duars became British property following the defeat of the Bhutanese in the Anglo-Bhutan war in November 1865. It was first put under the Deputy Commissioner of Western Duars but in 1866 it was transferred to the District of Darjeeling giving the district its final shape. Initially, this new district was treated differently and was designated as a “NON-REGULATION District” meaning any Act or Regulation passed in the Bengal Presidency did not come into force in district unless they were specially extended to it. In 1919 when the Government of India Act formed the Legislative Council, Darjeeling was not required to send a member to it. The district was excluded and declared a BACKWARD TRACT and the administration was under the Governor in Council. Even the administrative expenses were not required to be passed by Bengal Government. Furthermore, any Act passed by Bengal Government, which automatically extended to whole of Bengal, would not apply to Darjeeling if the Governor in Council decided to reject it. This in a very subtle way brought our hills a little closer to Bengal, because it also meant that any law passed by the Bengal Government could be applicable to Darjeeling if the Governor did not reject it. This arrangement lasted for another 15 years. Then the black year came and ironically that was Darjeeling’s centenary year under the British. The British Government passed an Act in 1935 requiring the three hill subdivisions to send a representative to Bengal Legislative Assembly and Dambarsingh Gurung became Darjeeling’s MLA to Bengal. Darjeeling was now pushed into Bengal.

Now we come to the final review: It is patent and historically authenticated that Darjeeling was never a part of Bengal. When Bengal was partitioned in 1905 our Bengali brothers claimed that no one was consulted, no opinion was entertained, no fore-warning was given and no explanation was provided. Bengal and the intellectuals of India rose up as one against the partition. Let our friends not forget that when Darjeeling was merged to Bengal no one was consulted, no opinion was entertained, and that no fore-warning was given and no explanation was provided. Keeping these facts in mind would it not be logical if Bengal joined us in saying “Gorkhaland hunu parcha“, “Shatyi, Gorkhaland huwa uuchit” po bhannu parnay. Why do Bengal politicians keep harping and shouting that Bengal will not be partitioned again. Creating Gorkhaland is not a partition but a just, realistic and honourable act of giving back what was never part of Bengal. Instead Bengal should apologize for holding on to the hills for so many years. Our language is different, our physiognomy or physical structure is different, our food habits, music, drama, dances, and clothes are different, the whole cultural milieu is different, even the Hinduism and Buddhism practiced by Bengal and Gorkhaland are different. Geographically we are in the hills and mountains and Bengal is in the plains and so our biology, zoology, climatology and even the associated benefits and disasters of the two regions are different. We do not share the same script, we do not share the same mentality and most of all we do not have a shared history. If we look back to the period before we were pushed, forcibly joined, attached without consent, and made a part of Bengal merely for the sake of administrative convenience we find that we shared no connection with Bengal. How can we share a common future when we do not share a common past! No amount of legislation, state power, gentle cajoling or even brute force can bind two people with uncommon history: Soviet Union is an example, Yugoslavia is an example and Gorkhaland will be another example. Finally, mailay hazurharuko dherai samai liyay, I would like to end with the words of a Bengali intellectual: “Happy Gorkhas in Gorkhaland are any day better for Bengalis than angry Gorkhas in Bengal.”

Jai Gorkha

Jai Hind

-Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

Professor Richard Keith Sprigg is a person well known to the academics of Kalimpong and the surrounding areas. What is generally not known is that he was absolutely thorough in whatever he did. I once sent him a short study on the meanings of names of some places in the district for his opinion and what I got back was well over twice my input. He had consulted dictionaries, met people who taught Nepali, Hindi, Bengali and even consulted Lepcha elders before coming to any conclusion. He was that thorough. He lived for many years in Ahava Cottage at Dr. Graham’s Homes and his residence became a lodestone for linguists and historians from all over the Himalayan region and places further afar. People came to tap his vast knowledge of Tibeto-Burman languages and related subjects. In 1955, while with the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), London, he arrived in Kathmandu with several photocopies of some manuscripts preserved at the India Office Library, London. The documents formed a part of Brian H. Hodgson’s collection made in Darjeeling and Nepal in the early 1840s. It was believed that the documents were in the Limbu script but there was no one in England could read them and Sprigg had arrived in Kathmandu to find someone who could. The following account will illustrate his thoroughness in finding a reader and the follow up to it.

At Kathmandu he met Tilbahadur Limbu and Col. B. Chemjong, both highly respected and educated Limbus, but they were none the wiser at reading the manuscript. They suggested that Kaziman Kandhanga of Ghoom Pahar, Darjeeling, could possibly shed some light on the matter. After sometime the Professor was at Ghoom but Kaziman too was helpless save for another address he provided: Iman Singh Chemjong at Ilam, Nepal. To decide in the next course of action he went to the tranquil settings of Kalimpong and made the Himalayan Hotel his base. There he thought he would find success in the Limbu school but the Limbu masters at Dungra Busti Jambok Memorial School were no more knowledgable than the previous contacts. Here someone once again suggested that Iman Singh Chemjong could possibly be the appropriate person. This was the second time the name had cropped up. A small bit of research revealed that Chemjong had worked in Sikkim the previous year and so Sprigg went there to find out if the man had the required knowledge to be worth the chase. T.D. Densapa, a respected scholar and a senior bureaucrat of Sikkim, confirmed that Chemjong had worked in the Revenue Department of Sikkim and was able to read and write in a script that was similar to the ones in the photocopies. There was at least some small hope now but there were several big problems for the Professor: Ilam was difficult of access, a foreigner needed special permission to enter the place, he was told that there were no hotels there, and if he at all got to Ilam there was no guarantee that Chemjong would be able to read the photocopies, a likely outcome especially after the three previous failures from dependable sources. Chemjong’s address was found and it was decided to invite Chemjong to Kalimpong. After sometime Chemjong arrived. Yes, he could read the script and to the baffling question of why the others could not do was that the scripts had been revised and improved upon by no other than Chemjong himself. All the others were folowing Chemjong’s alterations and were clueless about the original primitive script. I might add here that the script has undergone further modifications to make it computer compatible. Further additions like punctuation marks have been included and in the future there may be more additions with the introduction of diacritic marks. Anyway, that is looking far too ahead and let us go back to the past. In the short time that Sprigg spent with Chemjong, he learnt to read and write the Sirijonga script. Sometime later the Professor, along with his wife – a Kalimpong lady – went to the Limbu heartland of Ilam to actually live with the Limbus. This was no easy job for a European not used to answering nature’s call in the open and on missing out on egg and toast for breakfast and some wine at dinner. But the call of learning something new was too strong to cast aside. At Ilam he learnt the Limbu language and the way the Limbus lived while his wife, not equally academically inclined, spent her hours teaching the women folks how to knit sweaters, socks, muffins and gloves: something the Limbu women had never seen or done before.

In 1989 Sprigg reviewed for the SOAS “A Grammar of Limbu” by Professor George van Driem and in between made contributions like “Phonological formulae for the verb in Limbu” (1966), “The Limbu s-final and t-final verb roots” (1984), and he wrote the Foreword for H.W.R. Senior’s reprint of “A Vocabulary of Limbu Language of Eastern Nepal.”

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Opinion

The indifference of the state government towards the people of Darjeeling makes a separate state the obvious solution to their problems, writes Mahendra P. Lama

The inevitable has happened in Darjeeling district. The demand for Gorkhaland has erupted once again, and this time in a much more vocal, sweeping and determined manner than the last. There are four primary reasons for this. First, the setting up of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in 1988 as a solution to the last round of Gorkhaland agitation of the Eighties failed to do Darjeeling any good. The DGHC had no power to speak of, as it remained under the control of the Writers’ Building. Its chairman, Subhas Ghisingh, ran it as a personal fief and with the tacit support of the Bengal administration, systematically demolished well-known institutions and created a deep sense of insecurity among the people. The West Bengal government obviously enjoyed this throttling of democratic rights and further consolidated its friendship with Ghisingh. Even nine months back, the Bengal government maintained that there are no opposition parties in Darjeeling.

Second, if Jharkhand, Uttaranchal and Chhattisgarh could happen without much fuss, why not Gorkhaland? An autonomous Gorkhaland would complete the geographical definition of the North-east. If Sikkim and Assam are parts of the North-east, then why not the contiguous Darjeeling district and the Dooars? The political history of the demand for Gorkhaland dates back to 1907. The memorandum submitted by the Hillmen’s Association to Sir Samuel Hoare, the Secretary of State for India, on October 25, 1930, states in detail why the hill people wanted to remain outside Bengal. Ghisingh and his party, the Gorkha National Liberation Front, sold out the core issue of Gorkhaland just to remain in power. This movement, like that for the constitutional recognition of the Nepali language before it happened in 1992, has been linked to questions of Gorkha identity and of the need to acknowledge their contribution in the making of modern India.

Third, the last 20 years have shown clearly that the Bengal government’s interest in Darjeeling is only skin deep. It continues to treat most parts of Darjeeling and the Dooars as an ‘internal colony’. This attitude was reflected most clearly in the way the government tried to impose the Sixth Schedule status on Darjeeling. For the Gorkhaland agitators, this proved to be the last straw.

Last, the sharp decline in economic and other opportunities within Bengal and the steady rise of Sikkim as a political power have had a serious effect on the Darjeeling region. Every one there now feels that the only way to ensure development for the hill people is to let them have a constituent state of their own.

Unlike the Gorkhaland agitation of the Eighties, this time the movement has spread not only all over Darjeeling but has also covered the Dooars region of Jalpaiguri district. As the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha took up the cause of Gorkhaland, it received tremendous and spontaneous support from the people. It is necessary to understand the fundamental differences between the Eighties protests and the present campaign.

Twenty years after the DGHC was formed, the people have become acutely conscious of the negligence and deprivation they are being subjected to. It is an awareness they did not possess last time. After two decades of misrule, they have realized how hollow the political intentions of the ruling elites of Darjeeling are. As a consequence, the movement has become more widespread. It is almost entirely being carried forward by the younger generation from across various communities — Marwaris, Biharis, Bengalis, Koche-meches and Gorkhas. While the mainstream political parties are nowhere to be seen now, in the last phase there had been a strong opposition from the cadre of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) operating in the hills. The presence of local, national and international media is a major boost to the movement.

The protest movement has now included the Dooars on the ground that a state that includes the hills and a part of the plains will have a solid economic viability. With the major tea gardens falling within this area and given the huge hydel power potential, attractive tourist destinations, important educational institutions and roughly four international borders, Gorkhaland will be one of the most developed states in the country. The future state can generate millions of dollars by diplomatically managing the economic transactions in the border areas. Darjeeling, as a brand-name, is well known all over the world. If rightly repositioned, it would attract a large number of multi-national companies and both domestic and foreign investment.

The protests this time have been non-violent, unlike the Eighties, when a large number of people were killed and properties destroyed. Moreover, in contrast to the last phase of agitation, the current struggle is receiving positive signals from the Union government, which seems to be fairly disposed towards the idea of giving a durable solution to the problem. The West Bengal government had called the GNLF movement ‘anti-national’. It had then promised to undertake substantial projects for development in the district. But even after two decades, it has nothing to show for its efforts. The government had been warned many a time about the steadily deteriorating situation in the hills. But it chose political convenience in prolonging Ghisingh’s debilitating rule rather than lend a ear to the grievances of the people.

The emergence of a dangerously communal outfit like Amra Bangali, blatantly parochial statements made by the urban development minister, Asok Bhattacharya, and police violence at the peaceful demonstration by veteran armymen clearly show how the government is resorting to condemnable tactics to suppress the hill people. Their agitations, like those in Nandigram, are more against state oppression than anything else. Today, the people of the Darjeeling district are demanding answers to questions such as why the entire tea and cinchona industry is in the doldrums, what happened to the rich forest resources, why are there starvation deaths in the Dooars tea gardens, why are the three hill subdivisions still crying for drinking water and basic health facilities, and why Darjeeling has only two drinking water reservoirs in Sinchal, built in 1910 and 1931 by the British administration. There are various other signs of neglect by the state government. There are no panchayats in Darjeeling and hardly any Central government schemes are implemented here. Except in the state assembly, the people of Darjeeling figure nowhere in the decision-and policy-making process of West Bengal.

If West Bengal thinks of Darjeeling as its ‘crown’, then why has there never been a tableau on the Queen of the Hills in the Republic Day parades in New Delhi for the last 60 years ? The state government has not added a single good educational institution to the entire hill region after 1947. What do the people of the Dooars and Darjeeling gain out of hydel projects like those on the Teesta, Rammam or Jaldhaka ? And, had it not been for the local residents and admirers of Darjeeling from outside India, the toy train would not have been included in the Unesco’s world heritage list. These are some of the complaints of the hill people today. They take these as the indicators of a policy of discrimination followed by the state government in dealing with the hill region. It is striking that even after Ghisingh’s humiliating exit, the Bengal administration still has nothing more to offer other than the talk about a few more freebies in the already defunct basket of autonomy.

All eyes are now rained on the way the Morcha conducts itself in its forward march. It is up to the Morcha now to enlist the support of other local and national political parties to its cause and to convince the state and Union governments about the inevitability of a separate state for the hill people. In the process, it has to find solutions to such vexed issues as those over the alleged advantages enjoyed by the people of the plains over those of the hills, and the communal insinuations being delivered deliberately by the political leaders of the ruling party in Siliguri. The tasks are not easy, to say the least. However, there is one assurance. The public opinion, as expressed in the media, is clearly in favour of a separate Gorkhaland. After all, why not a 29th state in the grand, ever-expanding federal structure of the country ?

The author prepared the first Development Plan of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in 1989. The position he holds has no bearing on the views expressed in this article

This is the last of the seven-series on Nepali nuances. Our vocabulary isn’t exactly keeping pace with the times that we are moving with and if the inertia keeps its negative pace our future generations will be poorer for no fault of theirs. In the Nepali language words seem to peter out, vanish or die and, as natural as that might be, replacements are hard to come by while other languages are seen to substitute and even freely augment their existing vocabulary. A living language must grow. We cannot remain stagnant. Please give it a thought.

As with all mortals who grow old and eventually die many words also get coined, enjoy a good spell, age and die. When I was young we had besides the rare rupiyā, small change called ānā paisā and pie. With the introduction of the decimal system there arrived new coins which we referred to as the ‘nayā paisā‘. In a short while ‘ānā‘ and ‘pie‘ were withdrawn from circulation and therefore also from our vocabulary and over the years the nayā paisa was no more ‘nayā‘ and the descriptive term was dropped in favour of just ‘paisā‘. Even the paisā, as a coin, is making a dash towards extinction for there is very little one can buy with a few ‘paisā‘ these days.

If changes in the monetary system spelled death for some words then changes in lifestyle spelt doom for other words like ‘jangār‘, ‘ghari‘, ‘chindo‘, ‘ghorsālā‘, ‘okhatsāla‘ etc.
-The archaic word ‘jyangār‘ became ‘jangār‘ meaning the crossing place of a river and ‘jangār taruwā‘ was the person who helped you to ford the river for a small consideration. With bridges coming up everywhere ‘jangār‘ and its ‘taruwā‘ became redundant.
-’Ghari‘ simply meant time (about 24 minutes to one ‘ghari‘), and not a watch but the original meaning has more or less vanished leaving us just a memory in the term ‘ghari ghari‘ (time and time) meaning time and again.
-With the easy availability of corrugated tins, straw roofs are hardly around and the word ‘chōrkhar‘ or thatch also suffered the same fate. Interestingly, the straw for the thatching was normally collected from the riverbanks and since the banks were no-man’s property the prefix ‘chor‘ (thief/stolen) was added.
-’Chindo‘ is a clay vessel (occasionally the shell of a dried gourd) and being a common household item it even enjoyed an idiom to its credit, “bheerko chindo udho na ubho” (a vessel on a precipice can go neither up nor down) meaning ‘to be in the horns of a dilemma’. Today with the easy availability of tin, aluminum, plastic, PVC, styrofoam and other materials the vessel, the word and even the idiom are extinct.
-A horse stable was a ‘ghōrsālā‘ (ghōra = horse, sālā = edifice c/f dharma-sālā) but in our ancestors time most of the horses were owned by the sahibs who preferred the word stable and we landed up with ‘astable‘ while ‘ghōrsālā‘ received an early pension.
-The word ‘okhatsālā‘ or a dispensary has a history, sadly only a history, of its own. The archaic Nepali term for medicine is ‘okhat‘ or ‘okhati‘ and place of dispensing medicine became ‘okhatsālā‘. At the ‘okhatsālā‘ the herbs were pounded in a mortar called ‘okhal‘ and a distant cousin of ‘okhal‘ still survives in the villages where the ‘okhli‘ is used to remove the husk from rice through pounding. ‘Okhalsālā‘, ‘okhat‘ and ‘okhal‘ have all perished and it wont be long before ‘okhli‘ also becomes another part of ‘okhatsālā‘s fading history.

Some words just cease to exist for no apparent reason. The word ‘kari‘ was once used to denote a ring but it just vanished and in popular currency today is ‘authi‘. Nevertheless, the bigger version of the ‘kari‘ is still extant though nobody wants to wear it and it is called ‘hāt-kari‘ or handcuffs. Some words have been simply replaced and ‘chaplusi garnu‘ (to flatter) is now ‘tel lagāunu‘, the beautiful word ‘tas‘ (insult) from which we got ‘tasko‘ and terms like ‘tasko namaste‘ (reluctant or perfunctory salutation) are no more uttered, and our ‘dandi-biyo‘ was replaced by ‘guli-dandā‘ and that has today given way to the vastly more expensive game of cricket. Some years ago ‘gas‘ was extensively used to denote a girlfriend but today, like a real gas, it has evaporated to oblivion and a fresh coinage, ‘haves‘ for food (‘haves bhayo?’ or ‘have you eaten?’), is doing its rounds.

But coming back to where we started we must keep in mind that in a living language words are born, mature and die and new ones are, should be, continually created. It is only in a dead language that the dynamics of this cycle is missing. In most countries they have standardized dictionaries, e.g., Concise Oxford English Dictionary in England. The lexicographers sit in a committee and decide what new words can be included and once the inclusion is made it becomes an accepted part of the English language. We unfortunately do not have that luxury and so numerous new words go wasted. The orthodox and the purist amongst us shudder at the thought of new words and the lofty grammarians do not possess the drive to put their heads together to consider a few changes. It’s high time they woke up for the wheels that carry our language forwards are old, clogged and in a state of bad disrepair.

-Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

Today we will consider some of the several number of words we use to give an absolutely specific meaning to one particular item. I have already written that we have over a dozen specific terms for our ten digits and that is true of many other things. Here three items will be under the scanner: bamboo, hair and the family brood.

For us a bamboo is not just a hollow plant that grows slim and tall but a whole variety of plants, each with its own unique function. Before getting bamboozled by the variety let me just remind you of our flute or ‘bāsuri‘ which translates as, and it could not be more apt, a bamboo with a melody (bās = bamboo, sur = melody). Now to the varieties of that slender plant: ‘kansay bās‘ is the reed-like bamboo that grows near the banks of rivers and ‘gulyo bās/bāns‘ is the sweet one and therefore fit for the table. But probably the more preferred edible variety is the ‘tāmay bās‘ from which the best ‘tāmako achār’ can be made. For the animals we have the ‘gopay bās’ (‘go‘ = cow) whose leaves are used as fodder for the cows and buffalos. ‘Choya‘ mats or ‘doko‘ are not too common nowadays but the ‘nānglo‘ is still a common household item and the better ones are made from the ‘choyo bās’ whose split pieces and shavings are known as ‘choya‘. Then there is the handsome one called ‘philingay bās‘ or the sparkling bamboo and finally the ubiquitous ‘mālingo bās‘ which once gave our forefather ‘bāsko kalam‘ (pen) and has been giving us, then and now, the famous ‘lingay ping‘. I had mentioned that the Nepali bamboo has the potential to bamboozle and that is so because we have additionally ‘nibha nigālo bās‘, ‘poreng bās‘, ‘pahelo nigalo bās‘, ‘malbās‘, ‘deubās‘, ‘pahelo bās‘, ‘kansay nigalo bās‘, ‘balu bās‘, ‘kalo bās‘, ‘titay bās‘, ‘ban nigalo bās‘, ‘thudi nigalo bās‘, ‘paryang bās‘, ‘philing (lāhuray) bās‘, ‘kat bās‘, ‘kālo nigālo bās‘, ‘chiniya bās‘, ‘ghoray nigālo bās‘ etc. (more…)